Suchergebnisse

This book presents in-depth analyses of the wave of political protest and unrest that spread throughout Latin America between 2010 and 2015 in order to answer a question that has been challenging social scientists all over the region: why some countries have faced a divorce between their social movements and political parties while others have not? The contributions gathered in this volume intend to show that the logic of political representation in Latin America and its supposed "crisis" is not a common and constant feature for all region. Some countries like Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico seem to have experienced a process of autonomization of its social movements vis-à-vis its institutional political system. However, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador and Uruguay have not seen such a split between civil society and the political parties. Bringing together eight case studies of the countries mentioned and a general assessment of the situation in the whole region, this book presents some interesting findings that will contribute to the discussions about the political representation crisis in Latin America, providing valuable resources for political leaders, researchers, policy makers and social activists in the region.

This article proposes a new approach to the study of coalition formation in presidential regimes. Drawing on a dataset covering 33 Latin American governments, the article shows that coalition cabinets are, mostly, the product of pre-electoral agreements. I present a six-stage timing of coalition agreements, including four degrees of earliness. Then, I challenge this consideration with the most common – institutional – arguments from the literature about the survival of coalitions in presidential regimes. The findings are quite interesting since they point out that earlier agreements are relevant conditions for enduring coalitions. Moreover, and surprisingly, I show that the institutional argument seems to have been overrated by the literature.

Este trabajo procura contestar a la pregunta acerca de cuáles son las condiciones para el desapego entre movimientos sociales y representación política en América Latina. Mediante el estudio de ocho casos, y recurriendo al método configuracional Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) se elaboran y testean cuatro hipótesis, con lo que se evidencia la relevancia de condiciones como la presencia del Estado y la identificación de las ofertas políticas como condiciones de la autonomización de los movimientos sociales vis-à-vis de los partidos políticos.

For too long, scholars have studied coalitions under presidential regimes as they did under parliamentarism: assuming that the executive needed to look for allies in only one chamber. However, symmetric bicameralism has made such assumption untenable. As a matter of fact, bicameralism, particularly symmetrical bicameralism, as it operates under presidential regimes, may entail significant constraints for policymaking and coalition duration. Indeed, controlling one of the two chambers may not be sufficient for the president to ensure policy approvals. This article focuses on the 28 coalition cabinets with a bicameral framework in Latin America since the return of democracy. I show that bicameralism dramatically affects the composition of the coalitions as the absence of a majority in both chambers engenders a post-electoral agreement round. Moreover, I show that when a coalition holds some kind of majority in both houses, the coalition agreement lasts longer.

Presidential legislative majorities under bicameral congresses have seldom been considered in the literature on coalition cabinets. However, this combination is far from being an isolated or irrelevant topic. Bicameral congresses comprise a double round of negotiation for the executive, increasing the shadow of the unexpected. Indeed, controlling one of the two chambers may not be sufficient for a president to guarantee the approval of policies. In this case, what if a government does not control both houses? How are coalition cabinets affected by the non-control of one or both chambers? I will focus analysis on the 25 cases of coalition cabinets in Latin America since the return of democracy and present a bicameral framework. Through mvQCA, I find that, contrary to common belief, the controlling of a bicameral majority is neither necessary nor sufficient to ensure stable coalitions.

Resumo Os estudos sobre a repartição das pastas ministeriais no contexto do presidencialismo de coalizão têm crescido enormemente nos últimos vinte anos. No entanto, um elemento comum à quase totalidade desses estudos é a realização do cálculo da proporcionalidade entre cadeiras e ministérios somente em função da câmara baixa. Embora isso possa fazer sentido para países unicamerais, essa premissa não tem fundamentação teórica para os bicamerais. Assim, o principal objetivo desta pesquisa é inserir as câmaras altas na discussão sobre como são construídos os gabinetes presidenciais. Com base em 91 gabinetes de cinco países sul-americanos nos últimos 30 anos, os principais achados deste trabalho apontam para o fato que os presidentes também se importam com o equilíbrio induzido pelas câmaras altas. Mais ainda, mostramos que a força do Legislativo e a hierarquização do Executivo referente à própria construção do gabinete também influenciam a proporcionalidade dos gabinetes presidenciais.

Last decades have witnessed increasing occurrences of socio-environmental conflicts towards the installation of power plants of all kinds. Depending on the cases, these conflicts led either to the construction or the abortion of the project. Most of the literature used to treat these occurrences individually, without evaluating systematically the incidence of conflicts in the construction –or not– of power plants. Therefore, this article proposes an analytical framework to find out under what conditions an environmental conflict achieves its objective to stop the construction of the power plant, or fails. To do so, we proceed to configurational analysis, using qca methodology for 26 cases of conflicts in Chile. The results points out a complex causality, in which no single condition is neither sufficient nor necessary to produce the outcome. Additional analysis highlights the only relative importance of articulation between social movements and traditional political actors in producing succesful outcomes. These findings lead to a better understanding of the dynamics of socio-environmental conflicts, offering thus a significant contribution to the growing literature on the consequences of social mobilizations. ; Las últimas décadas han sido testigos de un crecimiento de los conflictos ambientales, en torno a proyectos de instalación de centrales energéticas de todo tipo. Según los casos, estos conflictos desembocaron en la construcción o el abandono del proyecto. La mayor parte de la literatura tiende a tratar estos casos de forma individual, sin caracterizar de forma sistemática la incidencia de los conflictos en la construcción o no de plantas eléctricas. En cambio, el artículo elabora un marco analítico para entender bajo qué condiciones un conflicto ambiental consigue, o no, su objetivo de detener la construcción de la planta eléctrica. Para testearlo, se somete a un análisis cualitativo comparado (qca) la información levantada para 26 casos de conflictos en Chile. El análisis arroja un escenario de causalidad compleja, donde no emerge en primera instancia una variable o combinaciones de variables que expliquen de forma sintética los resultados. El análisis avanzado permite relativizar la importancia de la articulación de los movimientos sociales con los actores políticos tradicionales para obtener resultados. Estos resultados contribuyen de forma significativa a la creciente literatura sobre las consecuencias de las movilizaciones sociales y a una mejor comprensión de las dinámicas de los conflictos socioambientales.

Chile has witnessed an unprecedented emergence of social movements since the return to democracy in 1990. These have been characterized by limited participation by the conventional political actors who used to be the backbone of social demands in the country. In the current "Chilean model" of governance, political parties have lost their connection with their base. The existence of a difference between the needs emerging from civil society and those advanced by politicians has opened alternative opportunities for political action.Chile ha sido testigo de una emergencia inédita de movilizaciones sociales desde la vuelta a la democracia en 1990. Éstas se han caracterizado por la baja presencia y participación de actores políticos convencionales los cuales solían constituir la "columna vertebral" de las demandas sociales en el país. En el "modelo chileno" actual de gobernanza, los partidos, por más institucionalizados que sean, han abandonado su vinculación con su base. La existencia de un distanciamiento entre las necesidades que emergen desde la sociedad civil y las manifestadas por los políticos ha incidido en la aparición de espacios alternos de acción política.

Desde los años noventa, mucho se ha hablado sobre la supuesta "crisis de los partidos y sistemas de partido" en América Latina. Estos habrían perdido su influencia e identidad, serían incapaces de generar vínculos con la sociedad civil, entre otros. Por otra parte, las evoluciones recientes en materia de telecomunicación han abierto un espacio para una nueva forma de hacer política aparentemente des-intermediada. Así, los movimientos sociales que aparecieron recientemente en varios países de la región se nutrieron de estos cambios tecnológicos, pareciendo apartarse de los partidos, cuando no liberarse de ellos. Este artículo propone actualizar el debate sobre la vinculación política en América Latina, desconstruyendo asimismo el síndrome de su aparente crisis.

Este trabajo se propone realizar una actualización de las teorías de las coaliciones aplicándolasa los presidencialismos latinoamericanos. Para ello se concentra en las experiencias del Cono Sur y trata de demostrar que las coaliciones inciden en la gobernanza y el quehacer político, al tiempo que conducen a un reordenamiento sustantivo en los sistemas partidarios