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After the Coup: Political Communication in a Post-Democracy Era ; Desejamos a todos uma boa leitura!

O golpe jurídico-parlamentar de 2016 pegou de surpresa os pesquisadores brasileiros em Comunicação Política. Como e por que isso pôde acontecer? Este artigo sustenta que o problema se deve à incapacidade da pesquisa brasileira em definir a própria agenda de investigação. Por um lado, o Brasil se constitui como um país periférico no cenário internacional da pesquisa, e essa condição torna os pesquisadores brasileiros particularmente propensos a reproduzir, de maneira pouco crítica premissas e modelos cunhados para dar conta de condições inteiramente diferentes das que se apresentam no seu país. Pelo outro, um conjunto diversificado de atores tem, ativa e sistematicamente, emprestado caráter de verdade científica a agendas acadêmicas politicamente orientadas.

O texto se propõe a analisar a contribuição e os limites do uso do conceito de "paralelismo político" para os estudos comparativos em comunicação política. Atualmente este conceito tem sido usado em uma oposição binária ao modelo de jornalismo "independente" ou "objetivo", de tal modo que todas as situações que não se enquadrariam em um caso, seriam contempladas pelo outro. Alternativamente, ele sugere que este tipo de oposição faz sentido apenas no âmbito das sociedades ocidentais, e que ambas as categorias somente são aplicáveis em contextos nos quais sistemas políticos competitivos coexistam com um ambiente dotado de razoável estabilidade institucional.

Non-western scholars usually face a dilemma if they want to pursue an international scholarly career: On the one hand, mastering western media theories is mandatory for taking part in international forums and exchanging experiences with people from different parts of the world; on the other hand, these theories are, in many aspects, foreign to their cultural backgrounds and, in many cases, seem inadequate for describing their own societies. My personal contribution to the debate arises from the fact that, although having some experience in participating in Anglophonic communication meetings and publishing in international academic vehicles, I never had first-hand experience, either as a student or as a professor, in American or European universities. In consequence, I was exposed to Western Anglophonic theories without being socialized in a scholarly environment in which they are taken as 'natural'. Based on this experience, I contend that the global impact of western theories cannot be explained only by their intrinsic merits, but as the result of the socialization of scholars from all parts on the world in western educational institutions, and the networks built around them.

Used by Seymour-Ure and by Blumler and Gurevitch the concept of "political parallelism" gained further prominence after Hallin and Mancini took it as one of their key variables in the comparison of media systems. The concept seems to work well for analyzing western societies, but how useful is it for dealing with the rest of the world? This article suggests that the concept of political parallelism only can be productively used when two conditions are satisfied. There must be a competitive political system, with political cleavages clear enough to allow the media to reproduce them, and an institutionalized relationship between media and political agents that is sufficiently stable to allow the observer to identify recurrent patterns of interaction. However, these requirements are not met everywhere. By "provincializing" the concept of political parallelism – taking it as a product of specific circumstances, rather than as a universally applicable category – this article proposes a new and more globally applicable framework for studying political communication

Apresentação.

The institutional research of the news media has mainly focused on the American news media and political institutions. By discussing the reform of Diário Carioca newspaper, in the 1950s – usually referred as the birth of modern journalism in Brazil – this article aims to examine the institutionalization of the news media in a different social context. The reform of Diário Carioca newspaper, in the 1950s provides an early example of the influence of the American model of journalism overseas. Its purpose was to replace the French-inspired model of journalism, literary and politically engaged by an informative, fact-centered model of journalism. However, Brazilian journalists did not adopt the American model in a passive manner. They reinterpreted it, in order to make it fit the characteristics of the local society. In order to put the new model into practice the Diário Carioca reformers adopted authoritarian modernization methods: They downplayed reporting in comparison to news writing, endowed the copy desk with a core ideological and normative role in the newsrooms, and significantly reduced the autonomy of the journalists at work. By doing so, they fostered a "professionalization without professionalism" model, and hampered the institutionalization of the new rules introduced by the Diário Carioca.

Resumo Este artigo investiga os desafios que as mídias sociais apresentam em relação ao poder das cúpulas dos partidos de definir o discurso majoritário. A hipótese é de que, em contexto de fragmentação partidária, as mídias sociais oferecem oportunidades para correntes internas vocalizarem insatisfações e negociarem suas agendas publicamente, o que gera ruídos externos e dificulta consensos. O estudo de caso focaliza as disputas travadas entre diferentes facções do PSOL acerca da aliança com PT, PCdoB e Rede na eleição para a prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro em 2016. Coletamos dados a partir de requisições à Graph API para mapear a presença de lideranças, diretórios, facções e núcleos dos quatro partidos. Os achados indicam a distância estrutural entre os subsistemas comunicativos organizados em torno do PSOL e do PT-PCdoB e a ríspida discussão pública sobre a composição da aliança eleitoral.

From the 1950s to the 1970s, during the peak of the cold war, communist journalists had a significant presence in Brazilian conservative papers. They even held high-ranking positions. Newspaper owners were aware of their political orientations, but they did not seem concerned. In fact, some of those communist journalists enjoyed high professional prestige. An unusual symbiotic relationship has developed between conservative publishers and their communist employees. This article discusses such relationship in light of the modernization of Brazilian newspapers that started in the 1950s. To modernize their newspapers, publishers needed to rely on journalists' ability to deal with the news as a technical, industrial product. Journalists with communist sympathies provided skilled work and were willing to be loyal and disciplined in the newsrooms. They had their own reasons for working in the "big press." The American rhetoric of professional journalism provided a common language for communist journalists and conservative publishers to work together. The Brazilian case has important lessons for analyzing the adaptation of the American model of professional journalism in different national settings.

Abstract
This article discusses the origins and development of research on online media and online political communication studies in Brazil. It analyzes the factors influencing the origins and development of the research on online media in the country. One the one hand, Brazil belongs to the semiperiphery of the international research system. On the other hand, when the online media appeared, there was already a solid tradition of Communication research in the country. It presents an overview of how Communication education and research organized in Brazil. Against this backdrop, it presents three stages of online media research development in Brazil: (a) incipient, (b) consolidation, and (c) new frontiers. In particular, it examines the impact that online media had on the Brazilian Political Communication research agenda.