Suchergebnisse

Student resistance to learning about race and racism is pervasive and
well-documented. Scholars have noted an array of direct and indirect
resistance tactics. These range from withdrawal from class
discussion or course withdrawal; questioning professorial authority
in classrooms; and verbal and physical harassment and assault
(Painter 2000; Tatum 2001; Tusmith and Reddy 2002;
Lee and Johnson-Bailey 2004). In response,
scholars have developed a variety of pedagogical approaches and
techniques for confronting student resistance and/or providing the
optimal context for teaching on race and other sensitive subjects.
These responses to resistance to learning about race and racism
include, but are not limited to: "frontloading" (i.e., providing a
substantial amount of data establishing the reality of social
inequality at the beginning of the course, and telling students
ahead of time that they will be engaging in difficult subjects, and
to expect discomfort) (Samuels, Fervber, and Herrera 2003); setting ground rules for discussion
to ensure respect in the classroom (Allen, Floyd-Thomas, and Gillman
2001); assigning privilege inventories
and/or other exercises, such as journaling, that encourage
self-examination (Allen, Floyd-Thomas, and Gillman 2001; Sue 2003);
and creating opportunities for self-generated knowledge (e.g.,
assigning interviews on racial topics) (Tatum 2001). Thanks to my two
anonymous reviewers, Gena Chandler, and Emily Satterwhite for
their helpful comments on the manuscript. Also, this work was
presented as a faculty development workshop in 2004 sponsored by
Virginia Tech's Center for Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching
and at a panel on teaching and learning at the 2006 Annual
Meeting of the APSA.

Introduction: melodrama, liminality, and "post"-politics: neo-liberal racial and gender formation in the new millennium -- Splitting Condi(licious): Condoleezza Rice and melodramas of "closeness" in U.S. national community formation -- Unpacking President Barack Obama's "improbable story": a case study of gender, race, class, and melodrama in electoral politics -- Diary of a mad Black(wo)man: Tyler Perry, wounded masculinity, and post-feminist, postracial melodrama -- The reality of the white male rapist: Black women's rape, melodrama, and U.S.-based American political development -- MeToo? Black women, melodrama, and sexual harassment -- Conclusion: turbulent futures: post-politics as an analytic -- Coda: post-politics in the era of COVID-19.

On June 18, 2007, Tommy Poindexter coaxed a woman out of her apartment in West Palm Beach, Florida by telling her that her car had a flat. Then he and nine other young blackmen forced her back into her home in the Dunbar Village public housing community, where they not only robbed her but engaged in three hours of rape, beatings, and torture. The female victim, a Haitian immigrant, was raped vaginally, orally, and anally, sometimes with bottles or a firearm, while they beat her twelve-year-old son in another room. In an effort to cover up their crimes, they told both the woman and her son to clean off and then forced the mother and son to have sex with each other. Finally, the assailants poured alcohol into the woman's anus, ammonia on both her and her son's eyes, stuffed a bar of soap into the woman's vagina, and tried to light the mother and child on fire as they lay naked in a bathtub.

On June 18, 2007, Tommy Poindexter coaxed a woman out of her apartment in West Palm Beach, Florida by telling her that her car had a flat. Then he and nine other young black men forced her back into her home in the Dunbar Village public housing community, where they not only robbed her but engaged in three hours of rape, beatings, and torture. The female victim, a Haitian immigrant, was raped vaginally, orally, and anally, sometimes with bottles or a firearm, while they beat her twelve-year-old son in another room. In an effort to cover up their crimes, they told both the woman and her son to clean off and then forced the mother and son to have sex with each other. Finally, the assailants poured alcohol into the woman's anus, ammonia on both her and her son's eyes, stuffed a bar of soap into the woman's vagina, and tried to light the mother and child on fire as they lay naked in a bathtub. Adapted from the source document.

The article investigates how post-black feminist definitions of intersectionality in the social sciences have "disappeared" black women as knowledge producers and subjects of investigation. This post-black feminist turn in theorizing intersectionality is assessed in terms of the rhetorical strategies critiqued by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989, 1990-91) in her foundational work on intersectionality, demonstrating how the very strategies she identified as hegemonic limitations to black feminism have been incorporated into social science work produced in the name of intersectional investigation, thus re-subjugating black women's knowledge. A reconstructive liberatory project in the name of intersectionality is suggested that would entail scholars across the disciplines implementing hermeneutical and/or narrative methodologies that center on black women's subjectivity.

In an essay entitled "Variations on Negations and the Heresy of Black Feminist Creativity," Black feminist Michele Wallace explores the difficulties of producing and presenting a "black female cultural perspective, which for the most part is not allowed to become written in a society in which writing is the primary currency of knowledge" (Wallace 1990, 54). Although she anticipates that some might find a defense of Black female cultural and political criticism "elitist," she nevertheless remains, "convinced that the major battle for the 'other' of the 'other' [i.e., Black women] will be to achieve a voice, or voices, thus inevitably transforming the basic relations of dominant discourse. Only with these voices—written, published, televised, taped, filmed, staged, cross-indexed, and footnoted—will [Black women] approach control over [their] own lives" (66).