Search results

Under the new law of decentralization, namely Law No. 14/2014 on Local Governance, the national government shifts the governance of three main sectors related to natural resources from being city or regency's authority to be the provincial government's domain. This paper discusses possible advantages and drawbacks of the law in local level in the mining sector. This paper compares cases in Kebumen, Pati and Rembang in Central Java province to see the complexities of mining policy prior and after the issuance of the new law based on document analysis and interviews with local government apparatus and people concerned with mining issue in the local areas. While Law No. 4/2009 on non-oil mining strongly asserts the role of the district government, Law No. 14/2014 asserts that mining sector together with marine/fisheries and forest policy no longer become regency's policy domain. They are withdrawn to be the provincial government's authority. The former law was issued to respond to the strengthening demand of decentralization from the local regions but then was proven to merely result in the rising of new oligarchs in local mining governance. The later was meant to be a revision for the past. Yet, after about four years implemented, it is not free from other potentials of problems and complexities. Learning from the stagnancy of the mining problems in Central Java, it is clear that clarifying each government institution's roles, and strengthening inclusion from the people are crucial.

Under the new law of decentralization, namely Law No. 14/2014 on Local Governance, the national government shifts the governance of three main sectors related to natural resources from being city or regency's authority to be the provincial government's domain. This paper discusses possible advantages and drawbacks of the law in local level in the mining sector. This paper compares cases in Kebumen, Pati and Rembang in Central Java province to see the complexities of mining policy prior and after the issuance of the new law based on document analysis and interviews with local government apparatus and people concerned with mining issue in the local areas. While Law No. 4/2009 on non-oil mining strongly asserts the role of the district government, Law No. 14/2014 asserts that mining sector together with marine/fisheries and forest policy no longer become regency's policy domain. They are withdrawn to be the provincial government's authority. The former law was issued to respond to the strengthening demand of decentralization from the local regions but then was proven to merely result in the rising of new oligarchs in local mining governance. The later was meant to be a revision for the past. Yet, after about four years implemented, it is not free from other potentials of problems and complexities. Learning from the stagnancy of the mining problems in Central Java, it is clear that clarifying each government institution's roles, and strengthening inclusion from the people are crucial.

The government's policy to return transmigration program participants, due to the explosion of conflicts in transmigration areas outside Java in the early 2000s to the district where these people originated has raised many questions of citizen engagement. This study aims to identify the impacts of the policy on the returned transmigrants using the idea of citizenship as a framework of analysis. The field research was conducted from December 2012 to February 2013 in Southern Kebumen using in-depth interviews with about 20 informants and direct observations. From the fieldwork, it is found that instead of resolving the problem by returning thousands of transmigration participants, which then was followed with collective relocation, has made the issue more complex. This later aspect caused multiple exclusions to the returned transmigrants socially and politically. The case highlights the government's ignorance of the aspects of geography, ethnicity, cultures, religions, languages, and gender that define citizenship in the Indonesian context, and are impacted by the transmigration policy. Such ignorance has led to the acute political disengagement. Weak inclusion and over-simplification in the handling of the transmigration program (sending, returning, and relocating people from one place to another), due to the single definition of citizen and citizenship, which the government uses in treating people merely as 'materials' for boosting economic growth, instead of as citizens that have rights for recognition, seems to be the core explanation of this case. By elaborating this issue, this paper is expected to enrich the existing study on citizenship, especially the core problems that relate to (forced) transmigration policy, which is rarely discussed among scholars.

In the discussions of anti-Chinese phenomena in Indonesian transition in 1997-2004, religion appears less dominating in regard of economic and political factors of ethnicity. In scientific works, the perception of antiChinese violence was also dominated by the views of politics and economy. In fact, religion also plays crucial role in many cases, ranging from the issue of Chinese infidelity, anti-Islamism and atheism. This is not to argue that politics, economy and social is not important. Otherwise, this paper argues that religion is equally important as politic, economic and social analysis, especially to explain anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia.

The involvement of kyai (religious teacher) in political affairs has become prominent after the Indonesia reformation. With his charismatic images and long-maintained religious authority, kyai has amount of capital to easily enroll his self into politics without significant barriers. This becomes more evidence in the Indonesian political sphere after the reformation as the number of kyais serving as leaders in bureaucracy is increasing. However, their inclusion in politics does not always lead to the birth of greater impact on public policy. During the leadership of kyai in the governmental body, Kebumen -as a case study discussed in this article- has experienced late development, indicated by lessening development in terms of public infrastructure and social services.[Keterlibatan kyai dalam politik muncul secara masif sejak bergulirnya reformasi. Dengan kharisma dan otoritas keagamaan, kyai memiliki modal penting untuk terjun dalam politik tanpa kendala berarti. Inilah yang menjadi sangat jelas terkait peran kyai dalam politik, utamanya dengan semakin banyaknya jumlah kyai yang menjabat sebagai pimpinan birokrasi. Sayangnya, keterlibatan mereka kerap tidak menyebabkan lahirnya kebijakan publik yang relevan. Pada masa pemerintahan kyai sebagai bupatinya, Kebumen -yang menjadi lokus tulisan ini- mengalami ketertinggalan dalam pembangunan. Ini setidaknya ditandai dengan semakin melemahnya infrastuktur publik dan pelayanan sosial.]

This article discusses identity politics in the village head election level. Studies on identity politics so far are mostly focused on elections in a government system that is in a higher concentration than a village, as in legislature and presidential elections. Attention to a similar issue in the village level is less to exist, partly because the community is generally assumed to be homogeneous. Meanwhile, in the village level, people remain plural, moreover in villages that live outside Java, where the number of tribes within communities is many. This is not to mention newcomers from the other islands. Using a case study in the Election of Village Heads in Wederok Village, Weliman Sub-district, Malacca District, East Nusa Tenggara, this research found that identity politics in village government head election play a crucial role as in the other elections, as legislature and regency head elections, even in the same tribe in the same village. This article is based on qualitative research with in-depth interviews as main data collection methods. The results showed that in the election of Wederok village head, people become divided into particular parts, mostly based on sub-tribe (kinship). The village head election involved candidates from the different tribal identities, despite the connection between them because of inter-tribe marriage. Tribe-based competition in the village head level in Wederok even led to further conflict, which needs for reconciliation.

The utilization of cultural practices have in fact helped the community to build and maintain good social relations, especially in post-disaster context, that the community is able to conduct peace keeping, which is useful to hasten recovery processes. Further, those cultural practices are also very healthy for the development of local democracy, which is important in community's disaster governance. Based on the experiences of the two communities in the above-mentioned areas in post-disaster contexts, this report highlights that democracy which is practiced from below every day, is an important seed for the development of democracy in general context. It could be an alternate route for the official democratization, which is commonly done through general elections, legislating processes, and judiciary mechanisms.

Politik familisme menarik untuk dikaji karena praktiknya yang sangat jamak ditemukan di tubuh partai, tetapi belum banyak digali secara akademik. Dalam praktiknya seringkali sebuah partai dikemudikan oleh sekelompok keluarga baik dalam susunan kepengurusan, susunan anggota legislatif serta pengambilan keputusan politik lainnya. Tulisan ini disusun berdasarkan penelitian di Partai Persatuan (PPP) Kabupaten Rembang, jawa Tengah dimana dua keluarga besar kyai, yaitu KH. Maemoen Zubair dan KH. Ahmad Thoyfoer (alm.) memiliki pengaruh sangat besar didalam pergerakan politik PPP baik di level lokal hingga nasional. Tulisan ini mempertanyakan bagaimana praktik politik familisme dalam Partai Persatuan Pembangunan Kabupaten Rembang, bertujuan untuk mengetahui praktik familisme di tubuh partai dan implikasinya bagi tatakelola partai. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan strategi penelitian studi kasus. Pengumpulan data yang digunakan yaitu in-deeph interview terhadap tokoh-tokoh kunci partai dari kedua keluarga, jajaran pengurus dan para antri, dan studi dokumentasi yang berisi arsip-arsip partai. Hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan praktik familisme yang lekat dengan partai politik, dibangun setidaknya melalui dua format, yaitu hubungan kekeluargaan, dan hubungan kyai-santri yang sudah seperti keluarga. Lebih jauh, politk familisme menghasilkan corak tradisional yang tidak bisa dilepaskan dari tatakelola partai yang pada dasarnya adalah lembaga modern. Kata kunci: Politik Politik familisme menarik untuk dikaji karena praktiknya yang sangat jamak ditemukan di tubuh partai, tetapi belum banyak digali secara akademik. Dalam praktiknya seringkali sebuah partai dikemudikan oleh sekelompok keluarga baik dalam susunan kepengurusan, susunan anggota legislatif serta pengambilan keputusan politik lainnya. Tulisan ini disusun berdasarkan penelitian di Partai Persatuan (PPP) Kabupaten Rembang, jawa Tengah dimana dua keluarga besar kyai, yaitu KH. Maemoen Zubair dan KH. Ahmad Thoyfoer (alm.) memiliki pengaruh sangat besar didalam pergerakan politik PPP baik di level lokal hingga nasional. Tulisan ini mempertanyakan bagaimana praktik politik familisme dalam Partai Persatuan Pembangunan Kabupaten Rembang, bertujuan untuk mengetahui praktik familisme di tubuh partai dan implikasinya bagi tatakelola partai. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan strategi penelitian studi kasus. Pengumpulan data yang digunakan yaitu in-deeph interview terhadap tokoh-tokoh kunci partai dari kedua keluarga, jajaran pengurus dan para antri, dan studi dokumentasi yang berisi arsip-arsip partai. Hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan praktik familisme yang lekat dengan partai politik, dibangun setidaknya melalui dua format, yaitu hubungan kekeluargaan, dan hubungan kyai-santri yang sudah seperti keluarga. Lebih jauh, politk familisme menghasilkan corak tradisional yang tidak bisa dilepaskan dari tatakelola partai yang pada dasarnya adalah lembaga modern. Kata kunci: Politik Familisme, Patron-klien, Kiai, Santri, Budaya Politik

This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.

Mahsiswa Aceh sebagai kelompok intelektual muda memiliki keinginan kuat dalam berkontribusi dalam meningkatkan kemajuan bangsa melalui pesta demokrasi. Partisipasi politik menjadi titik awal mahasiswa untuk melakukan perubahan dengan menyalurkan suara dalam pemilu, sehingga mendorong antusiasme dan perhatian lebih dalam pemilu. Namun ada mahasiswa yang memutuskan tidak menyalurkan suaranya pada pemilu. Tujuan penelitian ini, mendeskripsikan partisipasi politik dan faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi politik mahasiswa asal Aceh di Kota Semarang pada Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019. Metode yang digunakan diskriptif kualitatif dengan 17 narasumber yang tergabung dalam Ikatan Pelajar Aceh Semarang (IPAS). Teknik pengambilan sampel menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil peneltian menunjukan partisipasi politik mahasiswa Aceh terjalin baik, dengan tingginya perbincangan mengenai pemilu yang dijalani dalam kehidupan asrama. Tipologi pemilih tergolong kedalam tipe relasional dan kritis yang mampu menilai berdasarkan fakta lapangan. Faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi ada tiga faktor kongnitif, kandidat dan orang tua. Faktor hambatan terjadi karena persyaratan admistrasi yang membutuhkan waktu lebih dalam mengurusnya. Keywords :Partisipasi Politik, Mahasiswa, Pemilihan Umum, Pemilihan Presiden

This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.

This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.

This article argues that bureaucracy plays politics in Indonesia, not only during the electoral periods, but also in public service. Using the case of environmental evaluation in local government, where natural resources comprise most of the local economy, this article discusses the politics of bureaucracy in undergoing daily governing processes. The environment and natural resource businesses are two opposing fields. Environmental evaluation becomes a contentious area and is usually highly political. This article identifies the bureaucracy's politicisation in environmental evaluation as occuring in at least in two forms—in measurement and in project implementation. In terms of measurement, bureaucracy tends to use minimum standards, while in project implementation, there are some occasions where bureaucracy tends to sub-contract the work to the third party, usually NGOs, especially in relations to sensitive issues, so that it is politically safer for them, once the result is not as pleasing as expected. This article uses some cases in Central Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, Central Java, and Bangka Belitung, and applied case study as research approach.

The development policy of East Flood Canal (BKT)in Semarang City did not work accordingly purposes because it had to deal with settlements along the river banks. In addition, expansion to overcome physical problems, but not focusing enough to the social and economic aspects of society, otherwise emerged new obstacles. These conditions encourage the activism of affected citizens with community of civil society to advocate for policies. This study intended to explain the political advocacy carried out by the civil society coalition in the city of Semarang with the residents of Tambakrejo over the relocation policy. A qualitative method was conducted in this study through interviewing the accompanying actors, documentation and observation. The results of the study showed that coalition advocacy was the key to the presence of various strategies because of the accumulation of resources of each organization that was able to work together rather than compete. In addition, the ability of civil society coalition actors in conducting political relations with policy stakeholders was the key to changing technocratic policies.

The strong grip of the oligarchs causes the recruitment of political parties to not work properly, there is a tendency for candidates to be nominated by political parties based on political elites not through a democratic mechanism that considers the integrity and capability of the candidate. This research uses descriptive qualitative research. Data collection techniques using interviews, observation and documentation. The data obtained then went through the stages of selecting data, data clarification, and compiling data. The findings of this study indicate that the pattern of recruitment of political parties (PDIP) is carried out openly, but through consideration of the existence of the family. In addition, the existence of Anas provides a great advantage in influencing the support of political parties. The research result shows that (1) the pattern of PDIP recruitment for Ipuk Fiestiandani is carried out openly according to applicable laws and regulations, but beyond that the existence of incumbent figures and popularity will always be nominated, and become the main attraction of PDIP in carrying Ipuk in the Banyuwangi Regency Election, (2) the Ipuk carrier is still affiliated with the existence of Anas behind it. AbstrakKuatnya cengkraman oligarki menyebabkan mekanisme rekrutmen partai politik tidak berjalan semestinya, terdapat kecenderungan pencalonan kandidat berdasarkan elit politik bukan melalui mekanisme demokratis yang mempertimbangkan integritas dan kapabilitas kandidat. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Teknik Pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Data yang diperoleh kemudian melalui tahapan menyeleksi data, klarifikasi data, dan menyusun data. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa pola rekrutmen partai politik ( PDIP ) dilakukan secara terbuka, namun melalui pertimbangan eksistensi keluarga. Selain itu keberadaan Anas memberikan keuntungan besar dalam mempengaruhi dukungan partai politik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) pola rekrutmen ...