Suchergebnisse

Under the new law of decentralization, namely Law No. 14/2014 on Local Governance, the national government shifts the governance of three main sectors related to natural resources from being city or regency's authority to be the provincial government's domain. This paper discusses possible advantages and drawbacks of the law in local level in the mining sector. This paper compares cases in Kebumen, Pati and Rembang in Central Java province to see the complexities of mining policy prior and after the issuance of the new law based on document analysis and interviews with local government apparatus and people concerned with mining issue in the local areas. While Law No. 4/2009 on non-oil mining strongly asserts the role of the district government, Law No. 14/2014 asserts that mining sector together with marine/fisheries and forest policy no longer become regency's policy domain. They are withdrawn to be the provincial government's authority. The former law was issued to respond to the strengthening demand of decentralization from the local regions but then was proven to merely result in the rising of new oligarchs in local mining governance. The later was meant to be a revision for the past. Yet, after about four years implemented, it is not free from other potentials of problems and complexities. Learning from the stagnancy of the mining problems in Central Java, it is clear that clarifying each government institution's roles, and strengthening inclusion from the people are crucial.

Under the new law of decentralization, namely Law No. 14/2014 on Local Governance, the national government shifts the governance of three main sectors related to natural resources from being city or regency's authority to be the provincial government's domain. This paper discusses possible advantages and drawbacks of the law in local level in the mining sector. This paper compares cases in Kebumen, Pati and Rembang in Central Java province to see the complexities of mining policy prior and after the issuance of the new law based on document analysis and interviews with local government apparatus and people concerned with mining issue in the local areas. While Law No. 4/2009 on non-oil mining strongly asserts the role of the district government, Law No. 14/2014 asserts that mining sector together with marine/fisheries and forest policy no longer become regency's policy domain. They are withdrawn to be the provincial government's authority. The former law was issued to respond to the strengthening demand of decentralization from the local regions but then was proven to merely result in the rising of new oligarchs in local mining governance. The later was meant to be a revision for the past. Yet, after about four years implemented, it is not free from other potentials of problems and complexities. Learning from the stagnancy of the mining problems in Central Java, it is clear that clarifying each government institution's roles, and strengthening inclusion from the people are crucial.

The government's policy to return transmigration program participants, due to the explosion of conflicts in transmigration areas outside Java in the early 2000s to the district where these people originated has raised many questions of citizen engagement. This study aims to identify the impacts of the policy on the returned transmigrants using the idea of citizenship as a framework of analysis. The field research was conducted from December 2012 to February 2013 in Southern Kebumen using in-depth interviews with about 20 informants and direct observations. From the fieldwork, it is found that instead of resolving the problem by returning thousands of transmigration participants, which then was followed with collective relocation, has made the issue more complex. This later aspect caused multiple exclusions to the returned transmigrants socially and politically. The case highlights the government's ignorance of the aspects of geography, ethnicity, cultures, religions, languages, and gender that define citizenship in the Indonesian context, and are impacted by the transmigration policy. Such ignorance has led to the acute political disengagement. Weak inclusion and over-simplification in the handling of the transmigration program (sending, returning, and relocating people from one place to another), due to the single definition of citizen and citizenship, which the government uses in treating people merely as 'materials' for boosting economic growth, instead of as citizens that have rights for recognition, seems to be the core explanation of this case. By elaborating this issue, this paper is expected to enrich the existing study on citizenship, especially the core problems that relate to (forced) transmigration policy, which is rarely discussed among scholars.

In the discussions of anti-Chinese phenomena in Indonesian transition in 1997-2004, religion appears less dominating in regard of economic and political factors of ethnicity. In scientific works, the perception of antiChinese violence was also dominated by the views of politics and economy. In fact, religion also plays crucial role in many cases, ranging from the issue of Chinese infidelity, anti-Islamism and atheism. This is not to argue that politics, economy and social is not important. Otherwise, this paper argues that religion is equally important as politic, economic and social analysis, especially to explain anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia.

The involvement of kyai (religious teacher) in political affairs has become prominent after the Indonesia reformation. With his charismatic images and long-maintained religious authority, kyai has amount of capital to easily enroll his self into politics without significant barriers. This becomes more evidence in the Indonesian political sphere after the reformation as the number of kyais serving as leaders in bureaucracy is increasing. However, their inclusion in politics does not always lead to the birth of greater impact on public policy. During the leadership of kyai in the governmental body, Kebumen -as a case study discussed in this article- has experienced late development, indicated by lessening development in terms of public infrastructure and social services.[Keterlibatan kyai dalam politik muncul secara masif sejak bergulirnya reformasi. Dengan kharisma dan otoritas keagamaan, kyai memiliki modal penting untuk terjun dalam politik tanpa kendala berarti. Inilah yang menjadi sangat jelas terkait peran kyai dalam politik, utamanya dengan semakin banyaknya jumlah kyai yang menjabat sebagai pimpinan birokrasi. Sayangnya, keterlibatan mereka kerap tidak menyebabkan lahirnya kebijakan publik yang relevan. Pada masa pemerintahan kyai sebagai bupatinya, Kebumen -yang menjadi lokus tulisan ini- mengalami ketertinggalan dalam pembangunan. Ini setidaknya ditandai dengan semakin melemahnya infrastuktur publik dan pelayanan sosial.]

The utilization of cultural practices have in fact helped the community to build and maintain good social relations, especially in post-disaster context, that the community is able to conduct peace keeping, which is useful to hasten recovery processes. Further, those cultural practices are also very healthy for the development of local democracy, which is important in community's disaster governance. Based on the experiences of the two communities in the above-mentioned areas in post-disaster contexts, this report highlights that democracy which is practiced from below every day, is an important seed for the development of democracy in general context. It could be an alternate route for the official democratization, which is commonly done through general elections, legislating processes, and judiciary mechanisms.

This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.

Mahsiswa Aceh sebagai kelompok intelektual muda memiliki keinginan kuat dalam berkontribusi dalam meningkatkan kemajuan bangsa melalui pesta demokrasi. Partisipasi politik menjadi titik awal mahasiswa untuk melakukan perubahan dengan menyalurkan suara dalam pemilu, sehingga mendorong antusiasme dan perhatian lebih dalam pemilu. Namun ada mahasiswa yang memutuskan tidak menyalurkan suaranya pada pemilu. Tujuan penelitian ini, mendeskripsikan partisipasi politik dan faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi politik mahasiswa asal Aceh di Kota Semarang pada Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019. Metode yang digunakan diskriptif kualitatif dengan 17 narasumber yang tergabung dalam Ikatan Pelajar Aceh Semarang (IPAS). Teknik pengambilan sampel menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil peneltian menunjukan partisipasi politik mahasiswa Aceh terjalin baik, dengan tingginya perbincangan mengenai pemilu yang dijalani dalam kehidupan asrama. Tipologi pemilih tergolong kedalam tipe relasional dan kritis yang mampu menilai berdasarkan fakta lapangan. Faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi ada tiga faktor kongnitif, kandidat dan orang tua. Faktor hambatan terjadi karena persyaratan admistrasi yang membutuhkan waktu lebih dalam mengurusnya. Keywords :Partisipasi Politik, Mahasiswa, Pemilihan Umum, Pemilihan Presiden

This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.

This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.

The development policy of East Flood Canal (BKT)in Semarang City did not work accordingly purposes because it had to deal with settlements along the river banks. In addition, expansion to overcome physical problems, but not focusing enough to the social and economic aspects of society, otherwise emerged new obstacles. These conditions encourage the activism of affected citizens with community of civil society to advocate for policies. This study intended to explain the political advocacy carried out by the civil society coalition in the city of Semarang with the residents of Tambakrejo over the relocation policy. A qualitative method was conducted in this study through interviewing the accompanying actors, documentation and observation. The results of the study showed that coalition advocacy was the key to the presence of various strategies because of the accumulation of resources of each organization that was able to work together rather than compete. In addition, the ability of civil society coalition actors in conducting political relations with policy stakeholders was the key to changing technocratic policies.

The strong grip of the oligarchs causes the recruitment of political parties to not work properly, there is a tendency for candidates to be nominated by political parties based on political elites not through a democratic mechanism that considers the integrity and capability of the candidate. This research uses descriptive qualitative research. Data collection techniques using interviews, observation and documentation. The data obtained then went through the stages of selecting data, data clarification, and compiling data. The findings of this study indicate that the pattern of recruitment of political parties (PDIP) is carried out openly, but through consideration of the existence of the family. In addition, the existence of Anas provides a great advantage in influencing the support of political parties. The research result shows that (1) the pattern of PDIP recruitment for Ipuk Fiestiandani is carried out openly according to applicable laws and regulations, but beyond that the existence of incumbent figures and popularity will always be nominated, and become the main attraction of PDIP in carrying Ipuk in the Banyuwangi Regency Election, (2) the Ipuk carrier is still affiliated with the existence of Anas behind it. AbstrakKuatnya cengkraman oligarki menyebabkan mekanisme rekrutmen partai politik tidak berjalan semestinya, terdapat kecenderungan pencalonan kandidat berdasarkan elit politik bukan melalui mekanisme demokratis yang mempertimbangkan integritas dan kapabilitas kandidat. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Teknik Pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Data yang diperoleh kemudian melalui tahapan menyeleksi data, klarifikasi data, dan menyusun data. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa pola rekrutmen partai politik ( PDIP ) dilakukan secara terbuka, namun melalui pertimbangan eksistensi keluarga. Selain itu keberadaan Anas memberikan keuntungan besar dalam mempengaruhi dukungan partai politik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) pola rekrutmen ...

Tulisan ini mengkaji kecenderungan partisipasi pemilih pemula di Jawa Tengah menjelang Pemilihan Gubernur 2018, dengan lokasi penelitian di Kabupaten Temanggung. Sebagaimana diketahui, partisipasi politik dalam pemilu sering dikaitkan dengan persentase kehadiran pemilih dalam tempat pemungutan suara (TPS). Tingkat partisipasi politik ini seringkali dihubungkan dengan legitimasi hasil pemilu, yakni seberapa besar dukungan suara yang didapat oleh pemenang pemilu, dimana makin tinggi tingkat partisipasi maka hasil pemilu dianggap semakin legitimatif. Pemilih muda dan pemilih pemula dalam kajian partisipasi politik saat ini semakin mendapatkan perhatian dari kalangan ilmuan politik di Indonesia. Pertanyaannya kemudian, bagaimana dinamikanya di lapangan, dan bagaimana para pemilih muda memiliki persepsi tentang kandidat dan pemilu menarik untuk ditelisik lebih jauh. Hasil kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa pemilih muda skeptis terhadap politik, pemilu dan kandidat, walaupun mereka bukan warga negara yang pesimis. Mereka tetap anti-hoaks, meskipun juga ada sebagian yang menoleransi politik uang. Kelompok muda ini juga terbuka dengan berbagai program pendidikan politik dan masih memiliki harapan terhadap hasil pemilu yang transformatif.

Generally studies on pribumi and Chinese relationship in Indonesia are dominated with conflict perspectives. In fact, in practice, the relationship between the two groups can be very dynamic. Amongst social tension arose between them, there are often stories about social harmony, social engagement and social cohesion. This is also what we found in the Minang-Chinese relationship in Padang, West Sumatra. The Minang-Chinese relationship in Padang, West Sumatra, in current period has been not only about social tension. In spite of the strong tension arose due to differences in ethnicity and religious belief, they are strongly tied in running local trading, political party, and other areas of public policy making. Competition in economy often stands together with cooperation. This similarly works in local politics, and, recently, community recovery post 2009-earthquake. Such dynamic relationships is inseparable from ethnic politics constructed throughout Padang history in the past. This paper sees that the relationships of Minang and Chinese are inseparable from the ethnic politics constructed throughout Padang history. This paper tries to portray briefly the journey of Minang and Chinese relationship in Padang and the politics that contextualizes the making of that relationship based on literature research and in-depth interviews. Despite its shortness, this paper is supposed to provide background information for those interested in discussing the issue of ethnicity in Padang and West Sumatra.