Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Part One. Spanish Colonialism and Indigenous Women's Resistance -- 1. Spanish Sahara, Falangistas, and Gendering Subaltern Studies -- 2. Women's Resistance and Gender in Spanish Guinea -- Part Two. The Politics of Gender in the Saharawi State in Exile and Equatorial Guinea -- 3. Saharawi Women's Resistance in the Diaspora -- 4. Constructions of Gender in the Nationalist Discourses of the Obiang Regime -- Part Three. Resistance to Authoritarian Dictatorships since Spain's Exit -- 5. Women, Gender, and Resistance in Moroccan-Occupied Western Sahara -- 6. Gendering Ngueismo and Gendered Resistance -- Final Remarks -- Archives Consulted -- Glossary -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Cultural appropriation or exploitation in settler colonial studies occurs when a settler group adopts the cultural practices of the Indigenous group. Appropriation often compounds the marginalization and silencing of the Indigenous group, and therefore overlaps with, and facilitates, the settler colonial tactic of cultural domination. The latter seeks to eliminate the Indigenous group by way of forced assimilation into the dominant settler culture. In this article, I focus on the purpose and intended effect of the parallel pursuit of cultural exploitation and cultural domination. I argue that the side-by-side enactment of such settler colonial strategies amounts to cultural robbery: the settler state ensures exclusive use or possession of Indigenous cultural practices, markers and heritage. It adopts the latter as its own whilst simultaneously prohibiting—through the carceral system—the use and practice of the culture by the Indigenous community. Using the case of Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara, I focus on the evolution of Morocco's settler colonial strategies in the cultural realm from its 1975 invasion of Western Sahara until today. I argue that Morocco's policy of cultural domination over the Indigenous Saharawi population, initially enacted alongside other settler colonial genocidal policies, has made way for cultural appropriation alongside domination. This is, I argue, part of a wider Moroccan regime effort to mobilize "multiculturalism" to quell political opposition.

Focusing on energy developments and energy infrastructure in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara, this article engages with the politics of energy and energy citizenship in situations of conflict, authoritarianism and settler colonialism. We contribute to the body of research on how energy infrastructure, including renewable energy infrastructure, furthers (neo)colonial social and political power imbalances. Using Dominic Boyer's concept of energopower, which allows us to explore how energy is used to govern populations and produce subjectivities, we argue that a colonial and oppressive energoregime will produce subjects hostile to itself. Putting colonised people's lived experiences and perceptions of an oppressive energy system centre stage, we further research on the interrelationship between energy infrastructure, citizenship and identity by showing how an energoregime can inadvertently foster a rejection of certain citizenships and national identities in favour of others. Our data are generated using ethnography and semi-structured interviews with Saharawis living in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara.

Focusing on energy developments and energy infrastructure in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara, this article engages with the politics of energy and energy citizenship in situations of conflict, authoritarianism and settler colonialism. We contribute to the body of research on how energy infrastructure, including renewable energy infrastructure, furthers (neo)colonial social and political power imbalances. Using Dominic Boyer's concept of energopower, which allows us to explore how energy is used to govern populations and produce subjectivities, we argue that a colonial and oppressive energoregime will produce subjects hostile to itself. Putting colonised people's lived experiences and perceptions of an oppressive energy system centre stage, we further research on the interrelationship between energy infrastructure, citizenship and identity by showing how an energoregime can inadvertently foster a rejection of certain citizenships and national identities in favour of others. Our data are generated using ethnography and semi-structured interviews with Saharawis living in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara.