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This book presents a study of remembrance practices emerging after the 2005 London bombings. Matthew Allen explores a range of cases that not only illustrate the effects of the organisation of remembrance on its participants, but reveal how people engaged in memorial culture to address difficult and unbearable conditions in the wake of 7/7.

The Labour of Memory presents empirical research on memorial culture and the 2005 London bombings. The study proceeds with the view that remembrance involves work. This shifts the focus from established topics in memory studies to less explored aspects of remembrance including experience and organisation. Matthew Allen undertakes close readings of extracts from interviews with organisers and participants of 7/7 memorial culture. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, Giles Deleuze, Giorgio Agamben and Hannah Arendt, he considers how issues of autonomy, subjectivity and affect shape practices of remembrance. Allen examines cosmological and embodied possibilities of memorial culture and finds that remembrance provides cosmopolitan opportunities for working upon and caring for the soul.

Machine generated contents note: PART I MEMORY, LOCALITY, AND HISTORY -- 1 Wolves and Tigers: Remembering the Kumejima Massacres -- 2 Locality and Diaspora on Kumejima -- 3 Dialect and Dialectics -- 4 Educating Society -- PART II MENTAL HEALTH, SHAMANISM, AND IDENTITY -- 5 When Spirits Attack: Shamanism, Psychiatry, and Schizophrenia -- 6 The Unsuccessful Shaman's Apprentice -- 7 The Akebono-kai: Stigma and Identity -- PART III REGIONALISM AND IDENTITY -- 8 Selling Kume to Japan: Tourism As the Last Resort -- 9 Confusing the Issues -- Glossary -- Interviews -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author

This book, first published in 1995, is about the underside of Japan's economic miracle. It is an account of people who have been forgotten in Japan's push to industrialise in the post-war era: the coal-miners of Chikuho on Japan's southernmost island. The dirty and neglected character of Chikuho is in stark contrast with Japan's prevailing image as an international leader in technology and an affluent, socially cohesive country. As coal industries in industrialised nations around the world are closed down, regions like Chikuho embody the concept of underdevelopment within highly developed societies. Matthew Allen challenges the concepts of industrial harmony, economic foresight, cultural homogeneity and caring political management that dominate much of the literature on Japan. He describes how the people of the coalfields see themselves, providing insights into an aspect of Japanese society that is rarely encountered

Suivant une approche discursive, cet article analyse les représentations médiatiques (images et interviews) des réactions personnelles aux attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres, et leurs conséquences. À partir de l'étude approfondie du cas d'un survivant de ces attentats particulièrement exposé dans les médias britanniques, il explore la façon dont les dimensions émotionnelle et affective du fait d'être témoin de la souffrance d'autrui génèrent des relations intersubjectives. Cette intersubjectivité donne aux représentations médiatiques une qualité indéterminée à même d'affecter la capacité d'action des individus de manière négative autant que positive.

This paper draws upon Michael Watts's work on governable spaces and " economies of violence" in the Niger Delta (2004a,b,c) and Colin Filer's concept of the " ideology of landownership" in Papua New Guinea (1997) to explore how resource capitalism has been at the heart of violent conflict in post-colonial Melanesia. This schema of the political ecology of violence is elucidated with reference to three governable spaces - landownership, indigeneity, and nationalism; four different resource-industrial complexes - mining, oil and gas, logging, and oil palm; and the region's three most serious conflicts to date - the Bougainville conflict, the Solomon Islands 'ethnic tension', and on-going violence in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, particularly in Enga and Southern Highlands provinces. It is argued that in each of these places the story of violent conflict is ineluctably one of resource capitalism and its engagement with local socio-political contexts. In sharp contrast to the resource determinism, state-centrism and ahistoricism of much of the 'resource conflict' literature, attention to governmentality and scale highlights the highly contextual and contingent nature of resource-related violence in Melanesia. The diverse experiences of different regulatory approaches to the encounters between resource complexes and governable spaces across time and space are also examined, giving rise to policy implications for governing resource conflict in Melanesia.

This paper draws upon Michael Watts's work on governable spaces and " economies of violence" in the Niger Delta (2004a,b,c) and Colin Filer's concept of the " ideology of landownership" in Papua New Guinea (1997) to explore how resource capitalism has been at the heart of violent conflict in post-colonial Melanesia. This schema of the political ecology of violence is elucidated with reference to three governable spaces - landownership, indigeneity, and nationalism; four different resource-industrial complexes - mining, oil and gas, logging, and oil palm; and the region's three most serious conflicts to date - the Bougainville conflict, the Solomon Islands 'ethnic tension', and on-going violence in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, particularly in Enga and Southern Highlands provinces. It is argued that in each of these places the story of violent conflict is ineluctably one of resource capitalism and its engagement with local socio-political contexts. In sharp contrast to the resource determinism, state-centrism and ahistoricism of much of the 'resource conflict' literature, attention to governmentality and scale highlights the highly contextual and contingent nature of resource-related violence in Melanesia. The diverse experiences of different regulatory approaches to the encounters between resource complexes and governable spaces across time and space are also examined, giving rise to policy implications for governing resource conflict in Melanesia.

This article investigates the applicability of the influential economics of civil war literature to the case of the conflict which occurred in Solomon Islands between 1998 and 2003. It is argued that a modified version of the greed thesis resonates with particular aspects of the situation in Solomon Islands, particularly during the latter phases of the conflict when a variety of actors, including politicians, businessmen and ex-militants, were clearly benefiting from the instrumentalisation of violence and disorder. The underlying causes of the conflict have much to do with historical patterns of uneven development which have created overlapping boundaries of social-economic inequality and ethrticity. As is the case with other recent armed conflicts in Melanesia, issues of land, identity, ethnicity and socioeconomic justice were central to the conflict.

In 2011, there were 336 reported natural disasters worldwide, and they accounted for the deaths of more than 31,000 people (almost 20,000 in Japan after 3/11). The costs associated with these events were the highest in 20 years, and totalled an estimated $US350.47 billion in damages ($US203 billion in Japan, $US17 billion in Christchurch, New Zealand). In Australia natural disasters have become a frequent occurrence. While not approaching either the mortality rates or the financial costs associated with overseas disasters, in recent years Australia had a very high incidence of natural disasters. The natural disasters that struck Australia between November 2010 and February 2011 saw more than 99% of Queensland disaster-declared, with 37 lives lost. During the same period, all other Australian states and the Northern Territory experienced severe weather events or other natural disasters, such as bushfires, floods, storms, and droughts. Queensland and New South Wales experienced floods in December 2010 and January 2011, Victoria was devastated by floods in January and February 2011, Category 5 Tropical Cyclone Yasi ravaged North Queensland in February 2011, and bushfires were out of control in Victoria in February 2011. The total cost attributed to these disasters was $3 billion. The costs included rebuilding physical infrastructure, re-establishing services, and reinvigorating damaged communities. All levels of government are conscious of the budget implications of the impacts of disasters.

This paper explores Web 2.0 as the marker of a discourse about the nature and purpose of the internet in the recent past. It focuses on how Web 2.0 introduced to our thinking about the internet a discourse of versions. Such a discourse enables the telling of a 'history' of the internet which involves a complex interweaving of past, present and future, as represented by the additional versions which the introduction of Web 2.0 enabled. The paper concludes that the discourse of versions embodied in Web 2.0 obscures as much as it reveals, and suggests a new project based on investigations of the everyday memories of the internet by which individual users create their own histories of online technology.

Using the case of women coal miners from a remote Kyushu district, this paper attempts to highlight some of the difficulties associated with an occupying power introducing major labour reforms. In this case I look at women's employment in the mines during the 1930s-40s, and examine how and why women resisted the proscription against women's mining labour, introduced by the Occupation in 1947, through the years of US control. The resistance to the edict by both small-medium sized coal mining management and women coalminers demonstrates that even when an occupation power appears in total control of a nation, the culture of the occupied is a significant factor that must not be overlooked. It is clear that many companies continued to operate in defiance of Occupation edicts for many years after 1945; the culture of the coalfields – the total Panopticon-like control of small mining towns and villages by mining companies – plays an important part in understanding how this situation came about. The removal of women from the mines did take place, but for reasons that were not within the ambit of the Occupation's motivations.