Suchergebnisse

La independencia y autonomía real de los medios de comunicación, especialmente en su quehacer periodístico, está estrechamente vinculada a diversos factores, entre los que destacan la naturaleza de la propiedad empresarial y la libertad o presión bajo la que toman las decisiones los órganos de gobierno corporativos. Estos factores, tradicionalmente estudiados principalmente en relación a los lazos y dependencias establecidos por las empresas de comunicación con los grandes anunciantes, asumen una nueva dimensión con la financiarización de los grandes grupos de comunicación. Esto es, con la preeminencia de los objetivos financieros –supeditando a los profesionales o vinculados a la responsabilidad democrática– que experimenta la empresa periodística a partir del momento en que ésta empieza a cotizar en bolsa. Esta comunicación presenta datos recabados a principios de 2009 sobre la estructura de propiedad y los consejos de administración de los grupos propietarios de medios de comunicación más importantes de Europa. La finalidad de este ejercicio es identificar quienes son los sectores económicos conectados con la propiedad y los órganos de gobierno de los propietarios de los principales medios de comunicación que ofrecen contenidos periodísticos en Europa. ; Media groups' independence and autonomy levels, in particular their journalistic task, are tightly connected with several factors, of which the type of corporate ownership and the freedom or pressure under which corporate governance makes decisions are most relevant. Scholarly research has traditionally considered those factors in relation to the dependencies and links established between corporate media and larger advertisers. However, financialization adds up a new dimension to the study –since it stresses the subordination of professional logics and democratic responsibilities to the financial logics dominating media groups listed in stock exchanges. This paper discusses some data gathered at the beginning of 2009 regarding ownership structure and composition of the boards of directors of the largest European media groups. The aim of this work is to identify the economic agents linked to both, ownership and boards of directors, of the main European commercial news producers.

In the midst of what is probably the worst economic and financial crisis the capitalist world has ever experienced, professional journalistic structures and news organizations are disintegrating. While mainstream current economic and media gurus –and the whole media executive class around the globe– are claiming for a business model change that allows them to go on making lots of money, many voices have been raised in unison to ask for a true radical change: money cannot be the first goal, but rather public interest. This paper presents the outcome of a research on the non-profit alternatives currently under debate destined to help journalism survive.

La distancia que separa a los economistas políticos de la comunicación europeos –de corte eminentemente marxista– de los norteamericanos –con un activismo político más liberal–, así como la confusión epistemológica y metodológica sobre lo que es y no es la economía política de la comunicación la cultura (EPCC) que la disciplina arrastra desde sus inicios (probablemente en parte a raíz de esta ausencia de consenso y de base común), ha conducido a algunos a hablar de la necesaria refundación de la misma, o incluso de su superación. Por el contrario, este artículo argumenta que se no se trata de redefinir a la EPCC sino de recuperarla en toda su dimensión como enfoque crítico con vocación de exhaustividad e influencia de la filosofía moral. Para ello, este texto pretende volver a las raíces históricas del enfoque, haciendo especial énfasis en los economistas clásicos, a los que se propone redescubrir para la EPCC y para la economía política en general. Y todo ello con el objetivo de poner de manifiesto la enorme riqueza que atesora un enfoque epistemológico infrautilizado y, sin embargo, armado con un enorme potencial democratizador. ; The gap that separates the European political economists of communication –more Marxistrooted– from their American counterparts –who tend to profess more liberal political ideas–, as well as the epistemological and methodological confusion, which has burdened this approach from the beginning, about what is and what is not the political economy of communication and culture (PECC) (probably due to this lack of consensus or of a common basis), have led some scholars to talk about the need for refounding the approach or even to declare it obsolete. On the contrary, this paper argues that the point is not to redefine the PECC but to recover its true dimensions, to reclaim it as a critical approach that aspires to comprehensiveness and is influenced by moral philosophers. With this aim in mind, this paper goes back to the historical roots of the approach, especially emphasizing the role of the classical economists. That is, we propose to rediscover the classical economists for the PECC and for political economy in general. In all of this we have a main purpose: to stress the enormous wealth contained in an epistemological approach that has been underexploited in spite of its vast democratizing potential.

In this paper we argue that adopting critical animal studies perspectives in critical public relations can not only be very fruitful, but that it is also a necessity if the aims of the latter are to be achieved. To this end, this text introduces the challenges and opportunities that the field of critical animal studies brings to critical public relations studies. First, a short explanation of what critical animal studies is and why it can contribute to critical public relations studies is provided. Then the main fields of research where this contribution can be most relevant are discussed, including ethics, discourse studies and political economy. The final aim of this theoretical paper is to expand research within the field of critical public relations by including a critical animal studies approach. Eventually, the authors suggest that embracing the animal standpoint in critical public relations is an essential step to furthering the study of power, hegemony, ideology, propaganda or social change and to accomplishing the emancipatory role of research.

This study examines the ideological slant of Spanish digital-native opinion journalism. Political-ideological pluralism is a well-researched topic in media and journalism studies, yet there is less research regarding this topic when it comes to exclusively online media. This paper addresses that gap concerning the ways online-only opinion journalism can be defined in terms of their political ideology, and to what extent extreme ideological positions are represented in online journalism. Evidence from a content analysis of opinion columns appearing in the most widely-read Spanish online newspapers, during the month of May 2011 shows a general anti-left bias in the opinion sections of the newspapers, as well as a representation of the political extremes that is slightly more lenient with the extreme right. In line with Hallin and Mancini's theory of polarized political news environments in countries like Spain, our results show that this polarization is characterized by a strong—but not always explicit—dominance of right-wing views.

El cambio climático ha sido objeto de estudio frecuente desde distintos ámbitos de las ciencias sociales en las últimas décadas, también desde la comunicación. Gracias a ello, se ha generado una cada vez más abundante evidencia de la realidad compleja que se esconde tras la inacción política al respecto. Sin embargo, a la hora de comunicar esta realidad, los medios de comunicación, y una parte de la academia, han tendido a simplificar esta complejidad poniendo el foco en el contramovimiento climático y el negacionismo literal del fenómeno. Este contramovimiento ha sido abundantemente estudiado en los Estados Unidos, lo que ha puesto en evidencia la existencia de un negacionismo del cambio climático antropogénico muy influyente en ese país. Pero la investigación académica ha hecho también evidente que la inacción política al respecto del clima no puede explicarse solo con el concepto de negacionismo; ni en los Estados Unidos, ni mucho menos en Europa. En este artículo problematizamos el uso del concepto negacionismo en su uso indiscriminado actual y sugerimos incorporar un marco conceptual y de análisis más sofisticado, que aporte más matices y se alinee con las evidencias de la investigación académica. Se trata no solo de comunicar de forma crítica la realidad de la inacción política con respecto al clima sino de hacerlo también identificando todo el espectro real de responsabilidades, que no se reducen a negar o no negar el cambio climático ; Climate change has been the subject of much research in various fields of the social sciences in recent decades, including that of communication. As a result, much evidence has been accumulated on the complex reality behind political inaction in this regard. However, when it comes to communicating this reality, the media, and part of academia, have tended to simplify this complexity by focusing on the climate countermovement and literal denialism of the phenomenon. This countermovement has been extensively studied in the United States, revealing the existence of a highly influential anthropogenic climate change denialism in that country. However, academic research has also shown that political inaction on the climate cannot be explained by denialism alone; not in the United States, and much less in Europe. In this article, we question the current indiscriminate use of the concept of denialism and suggest the incorporation of a more sophisticated conceptual and analytical framework that provides more nuance and aligns with the evidence emerging from academic research. It is a matter not only of critically communicating the reality of political inaction with regard to the climate, but also of identifying the entire spectrum of responsibilities, which are not limited to simply denying or not denying climate change. ; Este trabajo ha sido financiado por la Agencia Estatal de Investigación (AEI) y el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) (CSO2016-78421-R), y por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (FPU18/04207).

This article draws on the results of a research project on media accountability instruments in Catalonia. We map out media accountability in Catalonia focusing on institutional self-regulation instruments and outline their history compared to that of equivalent instruments in the rest of Spain and Europe. We discuss how the situation in Catalonia differs significantly from that of Spain in the context of Hallin and Mancini's media systems models. We argue that including the cultural domain in an analysis of media accountability provides a more accurate understanding of the media system in stateless nations. We conclude that the culture of journalistic accountability in Catalonia is more closely aligned with the Corporatist or Liberal model than with the Mediterranean one and thus that the economic and politi- cal spheres alone do not provide a true picture of national realities when assessing media accountability. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness under Grant CSO2012-39138 (a three-year R+D project for 2013–2015).

The protection of pluralism in a cross-media scenario is a major concern for regulatory authorities in all democratic countries. This paper presents the outcome of in-depth interviews with members of six independent audiovisual regulatory authorities. They were questioned about the assessment of measures being taken to protect external pluralism in their respective countries, and about the problems and shortcomings they encounter during their implementation. In spite of the difficulties that arise when trying to compare different national realities and to gather qualitative data from legal bodies, this paper draws several conclusions on current policy trends for the protection of pluralism. ; This paper is part of the research project "Pluralism and communication groups in Spain: audience concentration", funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (National RD&I Plan 2009-2011). The first part of the study analyses to what extent and in which way several European countries and the U.S. have set limits on audience reach/concentration as a communication policy instrument aimed at protecting pluralism in a cross-media scenario.