AbstractTerritorial debates have recently shaken the political systems in Scotland and Catalonia, leading to referenda on independence. This article engages with questions concerning whether this extraordinary process has affected the women's movement and why. Specifically, feminist scholars have often expressed concern regarding how strong territorial identities and nationalist projects might prove detrimental to the movement's unity and success. Here, I look for indications of engagement and revival within the frames of the Scottish and Catalan referendum campaigns. A comparative approach revealed the mobilizing potential of these contexts when certain conditions were present. While the women's movement in Scotland has thrived in the last couple of years, territorial debates in Catalonia have not provided fertile ground for feminist campaigning and have shown divisive potential. The specific dynamics of the women's movement in each setting and the presence of political and discursive opportunity structures account for the different outcomes.
Mediante este proyecto se pretende diseñar un sistema de gestión de la prevención de riesgos laborales de acuerdo a la Ley 31/1995, Ley de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales, en una mediana empresa donde conviven puestos de trabajo diversos, con el objetivo común de gestionar el almacenaje y distribución de material eléctrico de uso doméstico e industrial a nivel nacional. El proyecto se divide en tres partes en las que se desarrolla una metodología que permite abordar todas las fases del estudio de prevención de riesgos laborales, analizando las diferentes áreas de trabajo de la empresa. El esquema seguido es el que establece de manera genérica la Ley de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales. En una primera parte, se describe la empresa, actividades principales, política general, estructura organizativa, así como las distintas fases del Plan de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales de la empresa, constituyendo una de las herramientas esenciales del Sistema de Gestión de la Prevención de Riesgos Laborales. En una segunda parte, se describe el centro de trabajo, sus actividades y puestos de trabajo existentes. Además se presenta la metodología seguida para la evaluación de riesgos y se realiza dicha evaluación por puestos de trabajo, identificando los riesgos existentes en cada uno de ellos y cuantificando su nivel de riesgo. La tercera parte, que es la aplicación de soluciones, será la que desarrolle las medidas preventivas necesarias para eliminar o en su defecto, minimizar los riesgos identificados en el centro de trabajo. También se realiza un análisis de no conformidades en el que se tendrá en cuenta cualquier comportamiento que no cumpla el desarrollo de la legislación nacional vigente o no considere las medidas preventivas anteriormente expuestas. Este análisis se compone de la identificación y evaluación de las no conformidades que se observen en el centro de trabajo, incluyendo la planificación preventiva donde se exponen las medidas correctoras a llevar a cabo y la prioridad de actuación en cada caso en función del nivel de riesgo existente. En el apartado de anexos, se incluye el desarrollo del Plan de actuación ante emergencias del centro de trabajo analizado. ; Through this project is to design a management system for occupational risk prevention according to Law 31/1995, Law on the Prevention of Occupational Risks, in a medium enterprise where different jobs coexist, with the common goal of managing the storage and distribution of electrical equipment, of domestic and industrial use, at national level. The project can be divided into three parts that develops a methodology to address all phases of the study of occupational risk prevention, analysing the different areas of work of the company. The scheme followed is generically established the Prevention of Occupational Risks. The first part describes the company, main activities, policy, organizational structure, and the various phases of the Plan of Occupational Health and Safety of the company, constituting one of the essential tools Management System Risk Prevention labour. In a second part describes the workplace, activities and existing jobs. It also presents the methodology for risk assessment and the evaluation is performed by kind of job, which identify the risks in each and quantified their level of risk. The third part, which is the implementation of solutions, will develop the necessary preventive measures to eliminate or otherwise minimize the risks identified in the workplace. Also an analysis of non-conformities which will consider any behaviour that does not meet the above in national legislation or not consider preventive measures outlined above. This analysis consists of the identification and evaluation of non-conformities observed in the workplace, including prevention plan setting out the corrective measures to be carried out and priority action in each case, depending on the level of risk exists. In the appendices section, include the development of emergency action plan of the work centre. ; Ingeniería Industrial
Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements' struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters' demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.
Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements' struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters' demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.
Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements' struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters' demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.
Mainstreaming gender in political science education requires legislation, structures, instruments, and critical actors, not to mention a favourable political context for putting the issue on the agenda. This article examines these issues in the Spanish context with particular reference to the opportunities afforded to the mainstreaming of gender in higher education as a result of the European Higher Education Area and the policies pursued by the Socialist Zapatero government (2004–2011). Upon the back of these initiatives, undergraduate gender and politics studies were introduced for the first time in Spanish universities, having from the most part until then been the reserve of interdisciplinary Masters programmes on gender. While the opportunities to embed gender within political science education have been opened up, this process of mainstreaming has also been characterised by resistance. These issues are unpacked through a case study of the development of the gender and politics network within the Spanish Association of Political and Administrative Science, as well as through reference to the project of a pioneering textbook on mainstreaming gender in political science.
Gender equality policies in Spain have experienced considerable setbacks in the last few years. The economic crisis and the need to implement austerity policies appear as the main reasons behind the huge budget-cuts and the elimination of some equality machineries. Additionally, the equality agenda has been reoriented, with maternity related issues occupying a central position. Even though these new policy priorities emerge during the crisis, they may well be related to the fact that conservative parties have taken office both at the state and the regional level. Thus, recent events invite revisiting literature on gender policies and the color of parties in government in order to explore the influence of such variable. Thanks to the analysis of all the Autonomous Communities and the central government, this article shows the impact of the presence of conservative cabinets not only in terms of a decrease of the resources dedicated to gender policies, but also in terms of the promotion of a new political agenda based on the roles of women as mothers and carers. For so doing, first, a logistic regression analysis helps capture the incidence of this variable with regard to the budgets spent by both levels of government during the period 2002-2014. Second, a qualitative analysis assesses its impact on the emergence of a new policy agenda and the shifts that have occurred in relation to the equality architecture during this same lapse of time. Consequently, this article reveals that even though most setbacks have taken place during the economic crisis, they clearly covariate with the presence of conservative parties in office. This fact allows concluding that the crisis has acted as a window of opportunity which has permitted to call into question a policy sector that had experienced a 20-year expansion period. ; En España las políticasde género han sufrido un considerable retroceso en los últimos años. La crisiseconómica y la necesidad de desarrollar políticas de austeridad han sido presentadascomo las razones principales para realizar importantes recortes en suspresupuestos y para eliminar diversos organismos. Paralelamente, la agenda deigualdad también ha sido reorientada, pasando a ocupar una posición central lapromoción de la maternidad. Aunque estas nuevas prioridades políticas emergenen un contexto de crisis, acontecen en paralelo con la llegada al poder de lospartidos conservadores en el gobierno estatal y en múltiples gobiernosregionales. En este sentido invitan a revisar la literatura sobre políticas degénero y el color de los partidos políticos en el gobierno y a explorar lainfluencia de esta variable. A través del análisis de todas las ComunidadesAutónomas y del gobierno estatal, este artículo mostrará el impacto de lapresencia de los partidos conservadores en el poder, no solo en términos depérdida de recursos sino también, y más importante, en términos del desarrollode una agenda política focalizada en las mujeres como madres y cuidadoras. Paraello, en primer lugar, a través de un análisis de regresión logística, secuantificará la influencia de dicha variable en los presupuestos en materia deigualdad de género de ambos niveles de gobierno para el periodo 2002-2014. Ensegundo lugar, a través de un análisis cualitativo se revisará su influencia enla evolución de la agenda política y de la estructura institucional durante esemismo lapso de tiempo. De este modo, se mostrará que a pesar de que losretrocesos tienen lugar esencialmente en periodo de crisis, covarían de maneraclara con la presencia de gobiernos conservadores. Todo ello permite concluirque la crisis económica actúa como una ventana de oportunidad para poner encuestión un área competencial que había experimentado una creciente expansiónen los últimos 20 años.
Populist radical right parties (PRRPs) are generally considered detrimental to democracy. Research on their damaging potential tends to focus on their influence in triggering policy backsliding but leaves the promotion of gender equality out of the equation. This study explores the case of Vox in Andalusia, a southern region of Spain, to show how PRRPs also contribute to de-democratization through their capacity to erode the equality framework. We demonstrate how they can effectively dismantle and reframe crucial policies, even when not in office. This opens new analytical pathways for studying the role of PRRPs in undermining democratic systems. ; Alba Alonso wishes to acknowledge the funding received from the Xunta de Galicia to support her research group Rede Armela USC (grant number ED431B 2020/23). ; SI
Populist radical right parties (PRRPs) are generally considered detrimental to democracy. Research on their damaging potential tends to focus on their influ- ence in triggering policy backsliding but leaves the promotion of gender equality out of the equation. This study explores the case of Vox in Andalusia, a southern region of Spain, to show how PRRPs also contribute to de-democratization through their capacity to erode the equality framework. We demonstrate how they can effectively dismantle and reframe crucial policies, even when not in office. This opens new analytical pathways for studying the role of PRRPs in undermining democratic systems ; Xunta de Galicia ED431B 2020/23
Literature has repeatedly shown that gender mainstreaming is far from being transformative and smoothly introduced. It is rather a contested strategy, leading to steady impacts on changing routines and gendering policy outcomes. However, research policies have appeared to be one of the issues areas where a gender perspective has been introduced. This is the case for Spanish research policies, which have been assessed to promote the inclusion of women in the R&D system. This article explores these emerging shifts in order to explore the problem for women in science and the solutions proposed to solve it. In addition, it seeks to examine whether these measures can potentially help women to get an equal position in science or whether they are addressing the wrong targets. To do so, this work draws on a survey of doctoral and postdoctoral researchers carried out in Spain, covering 350 respondents. It captures the necessities, wills and obstacles for women scientists, and while doing that, it allows us to assess whether gender mainstreaming is likely to be effective for bringing more women to the academia.
