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Este trabajo se pregunta si el hecho de apelar a identidades supuestamente primordiales, y por tanto fuertemente arraigadas y estables, ha aportado a los partidos nacionalistas alguna ventaja competitiva a lo largo del tiempo frente a otros partidos políticos basados en otras identidades, como las de clase o las religiosas. Para ello, el trabajo compara los partidos nacionalistas y no nacionalistas de los gobiernos regionales de Canadá, Dinamarca, España, Italia y Reino Unido, centrándose en tres indicadores empíricos: el rendimiento electoral, la fluctuación de los niveles de voto y la duración de los partidos gobernantes en el gobierno. Los resultados muestran que los partidos no nacionalistas son, en general, más severamente castigados que los partidos nacionalistas, especialmente en gobiernos de coalición. En términos de duración enel gobierno, sin embargo, no se aprecian diferencias significativas entre los partidos nacionalistas y los que no lo son.

Se trata de la reseña del libro del profesor emérito de la Universidad de Oxford, Archie Brown, titulado El mito del líder fuerte (The Bodley Head, 2015) y publicado el pasado mes de abril en edición de bolsillo. Aún no está traducido al español.

This article examines the organisation of VOX, a new radical right party in Spain. It shows that the party has taken early and uneven steps to build a mass organisation and initially opted for open membership recruitment with participatory organisational elements. Also, the party's rapid growth and quick entrance into political institutions at different state levels led the party leadership to establish more centralised control and limit members' prerogatives, though recruitment continued. Centralisation in part responds to organisational needs given the party's quickly acquired political relevance, but also to the desire of the central party leadership to forestall the articulation of territorial interests, or prevent them from escaping their control. Today, VOX exhibits elements of mass party organisation and highly centralised decision-making in the hands of national party leaders.

AbstractThis article introduces new quantitative fine-tuned indicators to objectively measure political parties' preferences on gender issues. We assess the validity and reliability of these new empirical indicators by analyzing the relationship between ideology and gender positions in decentralized Spain. Using data collected by the Regional Manifestos Project, which for the first time has incorporated a fully fledged gender domain into its coding scheme for content analysis of regional manifestos, we analyze parties' gender positions on four fundamental dimensions: welfare and the labor market, violence, representation, and values and identity. The results suggest that there is a persistent left-right divide on the last three dimensions: Spanish left-wing parties score significantly higher than right-wing and regionalist parties. However, ideology does not drive parties' gender positions on welfare and labor market policies; support for gender equality policies on this dimension is so widespread that it can be considered a "valence issue"—all parties, irrespective of their ideology, endorse the same (positive) position.