Suchergebnisse

Cet article analyse les dynamiques d'action du Conseil national syrien, la principale plateforme d'opposition au régime de Bachar al-Assad depuis le début de la révolte populaire du 15 mars 2011. Il s'arrête, aussi, sur la relation qu'il entretient avec les Comités de coordination locale, l'Armée syrienne libre et les personnalités indépendantes de l'intérieur. En dernier ressort, l'article prétend répondre à la question de savoir si ce Conseil a été capable de regrouper tous les secteurs de l'hétérogène opposition autour d'un programme d'action commune et s'il sera capable d'établir les bases d'un État civil, pluriel et démocratique au cas où le régime serait démis. Bien que la création de la coalition nationale des forces de la révolution et de l'opposition syrienne, le programme politique du CNS reste valable et peut servir de feuille de route pour la Syrie de l'après-Assad.

Authoritarian regimes have traditionally been disinclined to accept any political or social opposition and have been hostile to the development of an independent civil society that could form a counterweight to state power. Article 8 of the Syrian constitution established the Baath party, which has prevented any independent parties from emerging since the 1963 military coup that brought it to power as "the leading party in the state and society." Yet despite this systematic repression, there has been a sustained effort by a small group of intellectuals and critics over the past decade to transform the country's political system and make it more open and accountable. While these activists did not ignite the uprising that has shaken Syria since March 2011, their courageous defiance of Bashar al-Assad's regime has given them high standing among many Syrians. They may yet play a significant role in shaping Syria's future. Adapted from the source document.

One of the lesser-known consequences of the invasion of Iraq and the postwar period has been the mass exodus of Iraqis to Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. To the personal and humanitarian drama that this wave of refugees represents we should add the enormous economic and political difficulties faced by the receiving countries to maintain them. Although security has improved, Ira\q does not yet offer guarantees of stability for an early return. Furthermore, the legal situation of the refugees in the receiving countries is in an administrative limbo that threatens to "Palestinize" their condition unless the international community adopts timely measures to avoid this and to guarantee the refugees' definitive return in safe conditions. Adapted from the source document.