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While academic works on the 'gender critical' movement have generally focused on its advocacy and claims regarding womanhood and adult women, the movement also heavily targets children. This article contributes a case study of 'gender critical' activism around children in the United Kingdom, which is strongly committed to the belief that children cannot be 'genuinely' trans. Building on the argument that anti-trans movements seek to undermine the institutions that allow for trans people's social existence as trans people, it demonstrates that 'gender critical' groups seek to intervene in the institutions that regulate childhood in order to inhibit trans children's ability to both understand themselves and exist socially as trans children. This requires interventions targeting education, specifically for the removal of trans-inclusive guidance and teaching resources. However, it also requires interventions into the family and the recruitment of parents as 'gender coaches' best placed to encourage desistance.

A response to Pluralism and Political Studies in the UK: A Pilot Study into Who Gets What in the Discipline by Brenda Gonzalez Ginocchio, Andrew Hindmoor and Liam Stanley.

This article argues that gender-equality policy may function to cultivate women's 'psychological capital', that is, psychological traits that assist women in becoming better workers and therefore further the interests of capital. It assesses documents produced by the UK government's Body Confidence Campaign. First, the article finds that the campaign promoted narrow and corporate ideas about gender equality, only treating women's aspiration as valuable if it led them to pursue profitable and traditionally 'male' professions. Second, it finds that despite campaign leaders' criticisms of initiatives that blame women for their own low self-esteem, in practice, the campaign ended up doing exactly this by portraying low confidence as a drain on society and instructing women and girls to 'build resilience'. Finally, the article finds that the campaign allowed companies to receive credit for limited and temporary efforts to appear 'woman-friendly' without overhauling their harmful marketing strategies in the long term.

Over the past decade, resilience has emerged as a key priority linking disparate areas of British policy. Yet research to date has focused heavily on resilience as a dimension of international development and security agendas. This article maps the movement of resilience into British social policy. It finds that, as in other areas of policy, resilience in social policy functions to depoliticise, placing the structural determinants of gender, racial, and other inequalities beyond the reach of policymakers. Yet, in a departure from academic accounts of resilience, in social policy, resilience appears to play another role: that of regulating social deviance.

Following Stella Creasy's recent emergency debate on reforming Northern Ireland's strict abortion laws, Fran Amery explains why the intervention is an extremely significant event, not just potentially for Northern Ireland, but for decriminalisation in Britain as well.

Research Highlights and Abstract This article Explains how a historical account may be usefully combined with an analysis of the constitutive representation of gender in order to provide insights into the substantive representation of women; Provides an empirical account of how MPs favouring restrictions on legal abortion have historically constructed women as victims of unethical doctors in order to undermine the foundations of the 1967 Abortion Act; Helps explain recent attempts to strip abortion providers of the ability to provide counselling; Demonstrates that when set against the medicalised regulatory regime established by the 1967 Act, the contributions of pro-choice MPs may be criticised as problematic attempts to reconcile a feminist abortion politics with the status quo. In 2011, Parliament debated an amendment to the government's Health and Social Care Bill which would have mandated that abortion counselling be provided by independent organisations. While many attacked the amendment as anti-feminist, its principal sponsor, Nadine Dorries, claimed to be acting on behalf of women. This article argues that a historical approach may be fruitfully utilised in order to make sense of such conflicting 'feminist' claims. Through analysis of parliamentary debates, it demonstrates that when historical and discursive context is taken into account, the Dorries amendment can be viewed as part of a broader attack on the foundations of the 1967 Abortion Act. This historical approach also allows the contributions of pro-choice women representatives to be criticised as problematic attempts to reconcile a feminist abortion politics with the status quo.