Suchergebnisse

Energy crisis in Pakistan had been brewing long before it
became an important national issue with the potential to significantly
affect the outcome of general elections of 2013. The looming crisis of
depleting non-renewable energy sources combined with a feeble economy
has lent a new urgency to the search for an energy mix which is
sustainable, economically viable and environmentally least hazardous.
Fossil fuels with their known adverse environmental impacts dominate the
current energy mix of Pakistan. The renewable energy sources remain
underutilised despite being cost effective and less hazardous for the
environment. A substantial amount of literature has highlighted various
dimensions of existing energy sources in Pakistan with a particular
emphasis on the environmental impact, the sustainability and the
efficiency of various energy sources [see Asif (2009); Basir, et al.
(2013); Bhutto, et al. (2012); Mirza, et al. (2009, 2008, 2003); Muneer
and Asif (2007); Sheikh (2010) for example]. This study analyses the
environmental impact, economic feasibility and efficiency of various
energy sources subject to various economic and noneconomic constraints.
Section 2 discusses energy security by reviewing various tapped and
untapped energy sources besides analysing current energy mix and its
future prospects. Section 3 highlights the interaction of energy use and
environment. Section 4 discusses two approaches to assess the
feasibility of an energy mix: disaggregated and aggregated. The latter
approach makes a multidimensional comparison of all the energy sources
discussed in this study. Section 5 consists of discussion and concluding
remarks.

Pakistan has received around 1.3 billion dollars (current US$) on an annual basis from 1972 to 2014 in the form of bilateral and multilateral aid. While Pakistan's per capita GDP (current US$) rose from 152 US$ in 1972 to 1,315 US$ in 2014, the world per capita GDP increased from 979US$ to 10,755 US$ in the same period. A lot of empirical evidence suggests that the aid coming from the countries that attach political and strategic strings with the aid fails to contribute to economic growth significantly. Using data for the sample period 1972 – 2014 and employing the Vector Error Correction (VECM) estimation method, we find that aggregate official development aid has a significant and positive long-run impact on the GDP per capita. A 1% rise in aggregated Official Development Assistance increases Pakistan's GDP per capita by 0.75%. We also find that bilateral aid from very few countries such as Belgium, UK, and the US has a significant long-term impact on Pakistan's GDP. Additionally, we fail to accept the hypothesis that aid coming from some countries with political and geostrategic strings has any adverse impact on the GDP per capita of Pakistan in the long run. Regarding the impact of different components of aggregate aid on Pakistan's GDP per capita, we see mixed effects. The results show that a 1 % increase in both Official Development Assistance (ODA) and technical cooperation decreases GDP per capita by 1.55% and 1.063%, respectively. Conversely, a one percent increase in grants leads to an increase of 2.71% in Pakistan GDP per capita in the long run. As Pakistan's economic problems have considerably deepened in recent years because of a variety of factors including Covid-19, Pakistan has been actively looking for economic bailouts from the IMF and other bilateral partners. This study is expected to provide important insights regarding the components of aid and their implications for economic growth.

Democracy, income inequality and economic development are considered to be interlinked with one another in a complex way. The weak growth of political institutions and uncertainty about the continuity of democratic regimes in Pakistan has important consequences for the economic growth and level of income inequality. We analyzed the interaction among democracy, income inequality and economic growth during 1963-2016 using 3SLS and alternative estimation methods. Our findings suggest that democracy, income inequality and economic development are endogenously interlinked in Pakistan. The significance of this study lies in the fact that it highlights the intrinsic value of the political institutions and their benign role in promoting economic growth and reducing inequality. The level of inequality affects the economic growth negatively but conversely economic growth rate does not have a significant impact on inequality thus rejecting the trickle down hypothesis. Inequality is also found to have a significant negative impact on the democracy. Democracy and public expenditures on community, social and public services also reduce inequality.

Using three definitions of the middle class (MC) and the Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement surveys from 2004 to 2014, we estimated the size of the MC and examined the correlates and consumption patterns of the MC for Pakistan. According to the absolute income, relative income and asset–ownership definitions, the MC grew by 16%, 8%, and 10%, respectively, from 2004 to 2014. The results of the biprobit model showed that the probability of entering the MC was associated with higher education, urban residence and non-agricultural employment. Additionally, the MC was associated with greater consumption of ordinary and luxury goods.

BACKGROUND: Maternal age 34 years, short inter-pregnancy birth interval, and higher birth order are considered to be high-risk fertility behaviours (HRFB). Underfive mortality being disproportionately concentrated in Asia and Africa, this study analyses the association between HRFB and underfive mortality in selected Asian and African countries. METHODS: This study used Integrated Public Microdata Series-Demographic and Health Surveys (IPUMS-DHS) data from 32 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East, North Africa and South Asia from 1986 to 2017 (N = 1,467,728). Previous evidence hints at four markers of HRFB: women's age at birth of index child 34 years, preceding birth interval 3. Using logistic regression, we analysed change in the odds of underfive mortality as a result of i) exposure to HRFB individually, ii) exposure to any single HRFB risk factor, iii) exposure to multiple HRFB risk factors, and iv) exposure to specific combinations of HRFB risk factors. RESULTS: Mother's age at birth of index child 3 was a protective factor. Presence of any single HRFB was associated with 7% higher risk of underfive mortality (OR 1.07; 95% CI 1.04–1.09). Presence of multiple HRFBs was associated with 39% higher risk of underfive mortality (OR 1.39; 95% CI 1.36–1.43). Some specific combinations of HRFB such as maternal age < 18 years and preceding birth interval < 24 month significantly increased the odds of underfive mortality (OR 2.07; 95% CI 1.88–2.28). CONCLUSION: Maternal age < 18 years and short preceding birth interval significantly increase the risk of underfive mortality. This highlights the need for an effective legislation to curb child marriages and increased public investment in reproductive healthcare with a focus on higher contraceptive use for optimal birth spacing. ...