Suchergebnisse

Feminist foreign policies (FFP) are considered the latest contribution of feminism to global governance. Eleven countries around the world have embraced FFP, aiming to "systematically integrate a gender perspective throughout" foreign policy agendas. In recent years, FFP has spread to Latin America: Mexico introduced an FFP in 2020 and the newly elected Chilean and Colombian […]

This paper investigates the figure of Baroness Wilson, Emilia Serrano –a Spanish journalist in America– and her American work, delving especially into the path that allowed the writing of The Law of Progress (1880). It is a treaty on the need for public education in Latin America, with a proposal to articulate the educational system from childhood. The goal is to train citizens to modernize and industrialize the nascent American nation states, emulating Europe and, especially, the United States. The study evidences Serrano's educational interests and especially his defense of female education– which he considers as a path to professionalization and independence– also of the lower classes. Education is thus a way for economic and civic/social development, of the states. It is also a democratizing, liberal force. However, together with its condition as a pedagogical and feminist treatise, due to the feminine condition of its author, it is a challenge to the limits of 19th-century domesticity and an example of the gradual conquest of public space and politics by women. This triangle between education, politics and gender, also considering social class dimension, is the object of study of this research, which analyses the importance of the Spanish press in America, tracing its concerns and particularities. ; El presente trabajo investiga la figura de Emilia Serrano, baronesa de Wilson –periodista española en América– y su obra americana, ahondando especialmente en el camino que permitió la redacción de La ley del progreso (1880), un tratado sobre la necesidad de una educación pública en América Latina, con una propuesta para articular el sistema educativo desde la etapa infantil. El objetivo es crear ciudadanos para modernizar e industrializar los nacientes estados-nación americanos, emulando a Europa y sobre todo a Estados Unidos. El estudio evidencia el interés educativo de Serrano y, especialmente, su defensa de la educación femenina, que considera un camino para la profesionalización y la independencia de las ...

On the one hand, the difference feminism points out the androcentric character of the Western thought which universalizes the masculine and relegates the feminine to otherness. This school of thought makes feminist politics whose aim is the recognition of the feminine considering the specifc experience of being a woman. As a consequence, the sexual difference appears as a central analytic category. On the other hand, gender theory remarks the heterosexual implication of the category of sex. This research deals with that subject taking into account Wittig´s writings about the straight mind and its influence on Butler's thought, as well as Braidotti's work, one of the main theorists of sexual difference. The objective will be to clarify the tension between gender theory and the thought of sexual difference in order to fnd a strategy that would avoid exclusion. ; Por una parte, el feminismo de la diferencia señala el carácter androcéntrico del pensamiento occidental, el cual universaliza lo masculino y relega lo femenino a la otredad. Esta corriente de pensamiento construye una política feminista cuya fnalidad es el reconocimiento de lo femenino partiendo de la experiencia específca de ser mujer. En consecuencia, la diferencia sexual aparece como una categoría de análisis central. Por otra parte, la teoría del género resalta el carácter heterosexual de la categoría de sexo. El presente estudio aborda dicha problemática tomando en consideración los escritos de Wittig sobre el pensamiento heterosexual y su influencia en el pensamiento de Butler, así como la obra de Braidotti, una de las principales teóricas de la diferencia sexual. El objetivo será clarifcar la tensión entre la teoría del género y el pensamiento de la diferencia sexual con el fn de encontrar una estrategia que evite la exclusión.

ResumenPor una parte, el feminismo de la diferencia señala el carácter androcéntrico delpensamiento occidental, el cual universaliza lo masculino y relega lo femenino a la otredad. Esta corriente de pensamiento construye una política feminista cuya fnalidad es el reconocimiento de lo femenino partiendo de la experiencia específca de ser mujer. En consecuencia, la diferencia sexual aparece como una categoría de análisis central. Por otra parte, la teoría del género resalta el carácter heterosexual de la categoría de sexo. El presente estudio aborda dicha problemática tomando en consideración los escritos de Wittig sobre el pensamiento heterosexual y su influencia en el pensamiento de Butler, así como la obra de Braidotti, una de las principales teóricas de la diferencia sexual. El objetivo será clarifcar la tensión entre la teoría del género y el pensamiento de la diferencia sexual con el fn de encontrar una estrategia que evite la exclusión.Palabras clave: feminismo, diferencia sexual, género, pensamiento heterosexual.AbstractOn the one hand, the difference feminism points out the androcentric character of the Western thought which universalizes the masculine and relegates the feminine to otherness. This school of thought makes feminist politics whose aim is the recognition of the feminine considering the specifc experience of being a woman. As a consequence, the sexual difference appears as a central analytic category. On the other hand, gender theory remarks the heterosexual implication of the category of sex. This research deals with that subject taking into account Wittig´s writings about the straight mind and its influence on Butler's thought, as well as Braidotti's work, one of the main theorists of sexual difference. The objective will be to clarify the tension between gender theory and the thought of sexual difference in order to fnd a strategy that would avoid exclusion.Keywords: Feminism, Sexual Difference, Gender, Straight Mind.

This research shows the problem of social transformation in the contemporary feminist theory from the perspective of two authors: Judith Butler and Seyla Benhabib. A different way of understanding the subject will take them to different political strategies, although they hold a common goal: the possibility of the speech's extension with the aim of being inclusive and its maintenance to guarantee the right of equality. The objective is to show, by taking the key aspects in which both philosophical projects find themselves as a starting point, the main issues with which an inclusive feminist theory should deal within the current context of globalization. ; El presente estudio aborda el problema de la transformación social en la teoría feminista contemporánea a partir de las perspectivas de dos autoras: Judith Butler y Seyla Benhabib. Una manera diferente de entender el sujeto les conducirá a diferentes estrategias políticas, aunque mantengan una meta común: la posibilidad de la ampliación del discurso con la finalidad de ser inclusivo y la permanencia de éste para garantizar el derecho a la igualdad. El objetivo es mostrar, a partir de los puntos clave en los que ambos proyectos filosóficos se encuentran, qué cuestiones deberá atender una teoría feminista inclusiva en el actual contexto de globalización.

The aim of this article is to deepen knowledge of the social and political participation of North African youth. This phenomenon has gained renewed social and political interest following the discontent mobilisation of young people in the Maghreb at the beginning of 2011. To analyse this, we presented the results of a survey of young activists from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia during the World Social Forum (FMS) held in Tunis in March 2013. The sample consists of more than 200 young people aged 18-35 who are members of Maghreb civil society organisations. We focus on the methodological aspects of fieldwork, the socio-demographic profile of young militants, the objectives and causes that guide the work of the organisations in which they participate, and the opinions they express to the Arab Spring. As conclusions, we highlight the contributions of our study in relation to gender dimensions and national variables. Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2011-29438-C05-04) ; Peer Reviewed ; The aim of this article is to deepen knowledge of the social and political participation of North African youth. This phenomenon has gained renewed social and political interest following the discontent mobilisation of young people in the Maghreb at the beginning of 2011. To analyse this, we presented the results of a survey of young activists from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia during the World Social Forum (FMS) held in Tunis in March 2013. The sample consists of more than 200 young people aged 18-35 who are members of Maghreb civil society organisations. We focus on the methodological aspects of fieldwork, the socio-demographic profile of young militants, the objectives and causes that guide the work of the organisations in which they participate, and the opinions they express to the Arab Spring. As conclusions, we highlight the contributions of our study in relation to gender dimensions and national variables. Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2011-29438-C05-04) ; El objetivo de este artículo es p profundizar en ...

O artigo analisa a implementação dos Contratos Territoriais de Estabelecimento (CTE's) na agricultura francesa. Criados em 1999, durante o Governo de Lionel Jospin, trata-se de um instrumento através do qual são introduzidas mudanças nas políticas agrícolas e nas estratégias adotadas pelos agricultores. Infelizmente, os CTE's não receberam o apoio social e econômico necessário e não se mostraram fortes o suficiente para resistir à oposição exercida pelo lobby das corporações agrárias (FNSEA e CNJA).

El objetivo de este artículo es profundizar en el conocimiento de la participación social y política de los jóvenes norteafricanos. Este fenómeno ha adquirido un renovado interés tanto sociológico como político tras las movilizaciones de descontento que protagonizaron fundamentalmente los jóvenes en el Magreb a principio de 2011. Para analizarlo presentamos los resultados de una encuesta a jóvenes activistas de Argelia, Marruecos, y Túnez que hemos realizado durante el Foro Social Mundial (FMS) que se celebró en Túnez en marzo de 2013. La muestra se compone de más de 200 jóvenes con edades comprendidas entre 18 y 35 años y que son miembros de organizaciones de la sociedad civil magrebí. Nos centramos en los aspectos metodológicos del trabajo de campo, el perfil socio-¬‐demográfico de los jóvenes militantes, los objetivos y las causas que orientan la labor de las organizaciones en las que participan, y las opiniones que expresan ante la "Primavera árabe". A modo de conclusiones destacamos las aportaciones de nuestro estudio en relación con las dimensiones de género y las variables nacionales ; The aim of this paper is to progress in the knowledge of participation of young people in collective actions in the North African countries. This is a phenomenon of great interest in terms of sociological and political issues after the massive protests that have been led by young people at the beginning of 2011. We will present the results of a survey of young activists from Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. During the World Social Forum (WSF), held in Tunisia in March, 2013, we interviewed a little over two hundred young people between the ages of eighteen and thirty-­‐five, members of civil society organizations (CSOs) in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. We will first present the methodologic issue of the fieldwork. Second we analyze the socio-­‐demographic profile of the young activists, the causes which shape the work of the CSOs, the motivations of these young people in participating in collective action and the attitudes they report with regard to the protest movements of 2011 called "Arab Spring". Finally, we will contrast the responses given – on the one hand, in terms of gender, and on the other, of country

This article focuses on the implementation of the CTEs (Territorial Farm Contracts) in French agriculture. During the left Lionel Jospin's government, this kind of contracts was created by the 1999 Agricultural Orientation Act in order to introduce changes in both the farming policy and individual strategies of farmers. Through the CTEs, farmers and public administration built a new social contract taking into account the implications of farming activities on the environment and countryside in France. Furthermore, the implementation of the CTEs opened the social debate about agriculture to new non-agricultural players (consumers, environmentalists, local authorities, forest owners…). Unfortunately, the CTEs did not receive sufficient social and economic support and could not resist the opposition from the French corporative agrarian lobby (particularly, from FNSEA and CNJA). The centre-right government abolished them in 2003 and created the current CADs (Contracts for Sustainable Agriculture). Paradoxally, the CTEs are today recovering their relevance in the framework of the new EU Regulation on Rural Development, as some European governments consider such contracts are useful to encourage farmers to assimilate the new agricultural and rural policies.

Un entorno digital dominado por la inteligencia artificial, la influencia de los líderes políticos, el activismo de las audiencias y la eclosión de desinformación y fake news definen los códigos de la agenda. Se dibuja además un escenario en el que el papel de las agencias de fact-checking como propulsoras o detractoras de lo fake está cuestionado. En un contexto marcado por la convocatoria continuada de elecciones generales en España y por el conflicto de la Independencia de Cataluña se publica la Sentencia del Tribunal Supremo sobre los juicios del Procés (14-O). Una cadena de movilizaciones ciudadanas inunda la red. El objetivo general del estudio es conocer en Twitter las fake news sobre los disturbios catalanes, las estrategias de verificación en las agencias seleccionadas (@malditobulo, @Newtral y @veri_fi_cat), el nivel de impacto y la reacción de los públicos. Aplicamos una metodología triangular de análisis de contenido comparado y sobre una muestra general de tweets (n1=4500) se analiza el tratamiento de los bulos detectados por los fact-checkers (n2=62). Los resultados confirman que la autoría de las noticias falsas corresponde a cuentas de particulares y que las estrategias de fact-checking pueden favorecer más la viralización que el desmentido. ; In a digital environment dominated by artificial intelligence, the influence of political leaders and audience activism, the emergence of misinformation and fake news define the agenda codes. A scenario in which the role of fact-checking agencies as propellers or detractors of the fake is also questioned. In a context defined by the continued general elections in Spain and the conflict of the independence of Catalonia, the Supreme Court Judgment on the trials of Procés (14-O) is known. A chain of citizen mobilizations floods the network. The general objective of the study is to know on Twitter the fake news about the Catalan riots, verification strategies and the level of impact and reaction of the public. We apply a triangular methodology of comparative content analysis and on a sample of tweets (n1=4500) we analyze the treatment of the hoaxes detected by the fact-checkers (n2=62). The results confirm that the authorship of the false news corresponds to accounts of individuals and that the strategies of fact-checking can favor the viralization more than the denial.