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This article examines, through a quantitative analysis of survey data, the extent to which union members and labor activists attending the World Social Forum from different world system zones vary in their political goals and activities. Consistent with world systems theory, we find that labor activists from the semiperiphery protested most frequently whie their counterparts from the periphery protested the least frequently. We also found that union members and labor activists from the periphery were significantly more supportive of reforming (rather than abolishing and replacing) capitalism and international financial and trade institutions compared to their counterparts from other zones, although this finding disappears after local (Kenyan) participants are excluded from the analysis. Finally, we find that representatives of organized labor from the semiperiphery were the least supportive of proposals for creating a democratic world government, while those from the core were the most supportive of global/international strategies for social change.

This article examines, through a quantitative analysis of survey data, the extent to which union members and labor activists attending the World Social Forum from different world system zones vary in their political goals and activities. Consistent with world systems theory, we find that labor activists from the semi-periphery protested most frequently with their counterparts from the periphery protested the least frequently. We also found that union members and labor activists from the periphery were significantly more supportive of reforming (rather than abolishing and replacing) capitalism and international financial and trade institutions compared to their counterparts from other zones, although this finding disappears after local (Kenyan) participants are excluded from the analysis. Finally, we find that representatives of organized labor from the semi-periphery were the least supportive of proposals for creating a democratic world government, while those from the core were the most supportive of global/international strategies for social change. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines survey findings on the political characteristics of attendees of the 2005 and 2007 World Social Forum meetings and the 2007 U.S. Social Forum in Atlanta. At each meeting, social forum attendees were generally less satisfied with the major institutions shaping the global economy and more active within social movements compared to the general population. Nevertheless, there was considerable variation in the political views and activities of attendees across these three venues, attesting to the importance of the forum location and local organizers for shaping participant composition. Differences between respondents from the host city and country and international respondents varied across venues, but local respondents were generally less radical, had fewer affiliations to political organizations, and protested less compared to other respondents.

This article examines survey findings on the political characteristics of attendees of the 2005 and 2007 World Social Forum meetings and the 2007 U.S. Social Forum in Atlanta. At each meeting, social forum attendees were generally less satisfied with the major institutions shaping the global economy and more active within social movements compared to the general population. Nevertheless, there was considerable variation in the political views and activities of attendees across these three venues, attesting to the importance of the forum location and local organizers for shaping participant composition. Differences between respondents from the host city and country and international respondents varied across venues, but local respondents were generally less radical, had fewer affiliations to political organizations, and protested less compared to other respondents. Adapted from the source document.