Suchergebnisse

Preface -- Contents -- Author Biographies -- List of Figure -- List of Tables -- Introduction: Perspectives, Aims and Contributions -- 1 The Energy Union: A New Policy Agenda? -- 2 From Regulatory Power to Economic Power -- 3 The Structure and Content of the Book -- References -- Part I: The EU and the Global Political Economy of Energy -- From Low to High Politics? The EU's Regulatory and Economic Power -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Low and High Politics: A Liberal EU in a Mercantilist Energy World -- 3 Regulatory Power Europe: Soft Power with a Hard Edge

An examination of the development of a general European Union energy policy illustrates the difficulties that surface when a common policy attempts to override individual national policies. Because of this inherently conflict-ridden situation, EU energy policy failed to achieve any success until the early 1990s, when EU momentum increased, common energy policy initiatives were implemented, the move toward a single European market became a priority, & internal market directives were introduced. Though the energy policy continued to face serious obstacles resulting from the end of the Cold War & continued uncertainty about the stability of the Middle East, by the late 1990s, both electricity & gas market directives had been adopted & a common EU energy policy had been implemented. This is in large part due to the fact that the EU's policy framework was drastically modified during the 1990s. K. A. Larsen

Elite autonomy is often discussed in relation to oligarchic tendencies within organizations. The article demonstrates how autonomy of elites may have a more stable basis if it rests on inter‐elite support. The focus is on the role of autonomous, tightly coupled, and exclusive elite networks characterized by jointly held perceptions and reciprocity – cliques – in a small political system, such as in Norway. The argument is based on a study of the Norwegian Institute of Atomic Energy and its political environment, 1949–79. The formation and survival of autonomous cliques are stimulated by properties of small and tightly knit political systems: (1) transciency, (2) scarcity of qualified personnel, (3) consensus on national goals, and (4) elites' need to protect themselves from judgements based on strong egalitarian norms. The existence of autonomous cliques in a policy area has important implications for: (1) political entrepreneurship, (2) organizational development, and (3) legitimacy in relation to the environment. The management and control via informal clique organization have received little attention. Thus, this study serves as a supplement to the literature on bureaucratic politics and organization theory.

Abstract. The limited literature on offshore industrial relations in Britain and Norway has focused on the deviant nature of such arrangements compared to national traditions. The 'newness' of the sector and the special nature of the oil industry have been used to explain the deviance. This study, instead, controls for such factors and shows how contrasting patterns of adaptation can be related to system properties. Industrial relations in the two countries can be viewed as ideal‐type approximations of pluralism and societal corporatism. Within the tradition contrasting pluralism and neocorporatism, the dominant perspective has deliberately excluded cultural aspects, stressing instead structural form. The article argues for the reintroduction of culture and shows how British and Norwegian offshore developments reflect fundamentally different orientations towards industrial relations. Culture is not, however, conceptualized as ideosyncratic characteristics of the two countries. It stems instead from different histories of labour‐capital relations.

Based on published data on British & Norwegian offshore industrial relations, explanations for the deviant nature of such relations, as compared to national traditions, are examined. It is demonstratd that contrasting patterns of adaptation can be related to system properties. Industrial relations in the two countries can be viewed as ideal-type approximations of pluralism & societal corporatism, a view that has deliberately excluded cultural aspects, stressing instead structural form. Here, an argument is made for the reintroduction of culture; it is shown how British & Norwegian offshore developments reflect fundamentally different orientations toward industrial relations that stem from different histories of labor-capital relations. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 18 References. Modified HA

New chapters in this second edition of 'Making Policy in Europe' examine monetary union and the wider implications of future European Union enlargement.