Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Table of Cases -- Table of Statutes -- Note on the Citation of Roman Sources -- 1 Historical Introduction -- 2 Sources and Development of Roman Law -- 3 The Law of Persons -- 4 The Law of Things: Rights in Property -- 5 The Law of Things: Acquisition of Ownership -- 6 The Law of Things: Succession -- 7 The Law of Things: Contracts -- 8 The Law of Things: Delicts -- 9 The Law of Things: Other Obligations -- 10 The Law of Actions -- 11 The Reception of Roman Law -- Index

Historical introduction -- Sources and development of Roman law -- The law of persons -- The law of things : rights in property -- The law of things : acquisition of ownership -- The law of things : succession -- The law of things : contracts -- The law of things : delicts -- The law of things : other obligations -- The law of actions -- The reception of Roman law.

This article places media violence research into a broader context than the typical public debate about whether violent video games (or TV programs, or movies) are "the" cause of school shootings and other extreme acts of violence. We describe how scientists today decide whether one variable (e.g., exposure to violent media) increases the risks for, contributes to, or causes another (e.g., aggressive or violent behavior). We discuss the different research methods used to examine the relationship between exposure to violent media and aggressive and violent acts. We review research evidence on the link between exposure to violent media and aggressive behavior, violent behavior, and other undesirable behavior (e.g., less helping, less empathy and compassion for others). We conclude that although exposure to violent media is not "the" cause of aggressive and violent behavior, it is an important risk factor that can contribute to more aggressive and violent behaviors, and fewer prosocial behaviors.

Liliana Escobar-Chaves and Craig Anderson investigate two important trends among American youth and examine the extent to which the two trends might be related. First, the authors note that U.S. youth are spending increasing amounts of time using electronic media, with the average American youngster now spending one-third of each day with some form of electronic media. Second, the authors demonstrate that American adolescents are engaging in a number of unhealthful behaviors that impose huge societal costs. Escobar-Chaves and Anderson detail the extent of five critical types of adolescent health risk behaviors identified by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention—obesity, smoking, drinking, sexual risk taking, and violence. Obesity, the authors note, has become an epidemic among America's young people. Cigarette smoking among adolescents is one of the ten leading health indicators of greatest government concern. Alcohol abuse and alcohol dependence are widespread problems among the nation's youth and are the source of the three leading causes of death among youth. More than 20 percent of American high school students have sexual intercourse for the first time before they reach the age of fourteen. And twelve- to twenty-year-olds perpetrated 28 percent of the single-offender and 41 percent of multiple-offender violent crimes in the United States in 2005. Escobar-Chaves and Anderson present and evaluate research findings on the influence of electronic media on these five risk behaviors among adolescents. Researchers, they say, have found modest evidence that media consumption contributes to the problem of obesity, modest to strong evidence that it contributes to drinking and smoking, and strong evidence that it contributes to violence. Research has been insufficient to find links between heavy media exposure and early sexual initiation. The authors note the need for more large-scale longitudinal studies that specifically examine the cumulative effects of electronic media on risky health behavior.

Policymakers and the public have been concerned about the effects of media violence on children for decades. Scientific psychological research can be an important source of information for policy, as the goal of science is to separate facts from opinions. This article reviews children's exposure to media violence, describes theories that explain the effects media violence could have, summarizes the research on the effects of media violence exposure, and describes several moderators that can enhance or mitigate those effects. These scientific findings provide useful information for public policy, yet there are many barriers to their use, including misunderstandings of how causality is determined in scientific and public health circles and how large the effects are. Finally, the implications for public policy are discussed, including what has and has not worked in the United States, what other countries and the international community are doing, and where opportunities for new approaches for effective policies may exist.

The approach that Multinational Oil companies (MNOCs) use to comply with their human rights obligations translates to the different levels of engagement with stakeholders. For example, concerns regarding alleged human rights and environmental violations of MNOCs usually start with a notification, and then a formal complaint and if this is handled improperly will result in litigation. The ways MNOCs handle the disputes reflects whether the company pursues an inactive, reactive, active or proactive level of engagement with its human right obligations. This paper evaluates each level of engagement against a selected set of transnational human rights and environmental litigations arising from the Niger Delta. This evaluation reveals that MNOCs with a proactive approach considers the engagement and implementation of their human right obligations as a shared societal responsibility and are more inclined to look at the background of the complaint to solve the underlying problems in collaboration with all stakeholders. This paper, therefore, concludes that a proactive approach will lead to an improvement in human rights and environmental protection, in partnerships with local governments, local communities, and NGOs.

The approach that Multinational Oil companies (MNOCs) use to comply with their human rights obligations translates to the different levels of engagement with stakeholders. For example, concerns regarding alleged human rights and environmental violations of MNOCs usually starts with a notification, and then a formal complaint and if this is handled improperly will result in litigation. The ways MNOCs handles the disputes reflects whether the company pursues an inactive, reactive, active or proactive level of engagement with its human right obligations. This paper evaluates each level of engagement against a selected set of transnational human rights and environmental litigations arising from the Niger Delta. This evaluation reveals that MNOCs with a proactive approach considers the engagement and implementation of their human right obligations as a shared societal responsibility and are more inclined to looking at the background of the complaint to solve the underlying problems in collaboration with all stakeholders. This paper, therefore, concludes that a proactive approach will lead to an improvement in human rights and environmental protection, in partnerships with local governments, local communities and NGOs.

The approach that Multinational Oil companies (MNOCs) use to comply with their human rights obligations translates to the different levels of engagement with stakeholders. For example, concerns regarding alleged human rights and environmental violations of MNOCs usually start with a notification, and then a formal complaint and if this is handled improperly will result in litigation. The ways MNOCs handle the disputes reflects whether the company pursues an inactive, reactive, active or proactive level of engagement with its human right obligations. This paper evaluates each level of engagement against a selected set of transnational human rights and environmental litigations arising from the Niger Delta. This evaluation reveals that MNOCs with a proactive approach considers the engagement and implementation of their human right obligations as a shared societal responsibility and are more inclined to look at the background of the complaint to solve the underlying problems in collaboration with all stakeholders. This paper, therefore, concludes that a proactive approach will lead to an improvement in human rights and environmental protection, in partnerships with local governments, local communities, and NGOs.

Few studies have empirically examined how media stereotypes of Muslims influence Americans' support for public policies exclusively harming Muslims. Across three studies, we tested the short-term and long-term effects of news portraying Muslims as terrorists on Americans' support for public policies harming Muslims domestically and internationally. Study 1 revealed that exposure to news portraying Muslims as terrorists is positively associated with support for military action in Muslim countries. Study 2 revealed that exposure to news portraying Muslims as terrorists is positively associated with support for public policies that harm Muslims domestically and internationally; this effect was fully mediated by perceptions of Muslims as aggressive. Experimental results from Study 3 revealed that exposing participants to negative Muslim media footage, relative to neutral or no-video footage, increased perceptions of Muslims as aggressive, increased support for harsh civil restrictions of Muslim Americans, and increased support for military action in Muslim countries. Exposure to positive Muslim footage yielded opposite results. We discuss the importance of media in exacerbating aggressive attitudes and public policies in the context of intergroup relations.

In responding to the published comments on our SPSSI Research Summary on Media Violence, we note that several key themes emerge. In assessing the media violence research evidence, it is more informative and less biased to draw conclusions based on the full range of findings than to emphasize findings from individual studies. Using the full range of studies, it is clear that consuming violent media influences the way people think and feel, and increases the likelihood of aggressive behavior. However, when placing such findings into real world settings, it is important to consider media violence exposure as one of many risk factors for violence and aggression rather than as a sole factor. This acknowledgment of multiple causal factors does not make media violence unimportant––it is one of the few risk factors for aggression that can be addressed relatively easily and inexpensively. To this end, researchers are encouraged to now focus their efforts on finding those factors that moderate the media violence exposure–aggression link, and policy makers and professionals who work with children are encouraged to incorporate media violence science into their practices and decision‐making.

Media use among children has increased sharply in recent years, due, in part, to a significant increase in multimedia portable devices. On average, U.S. children aged 8–18 spend more than 7 hours a day engaging with media. Governments, professional bodies, and citizens have become increasingly concerned about the social and personal impact of media with violent themes and depictions. This has been driven, in part, by a series of tragic mass killings in which it appears that media violence exposure may have been a contributing risk factor. Public health and child development professionals are increasingly convinced by converging scientific findings linking media violence exposure to increased aggression. Hundreds of scientific studies involving hundreds of thousands of participants and a wide range of empirical methods have investigated the effects of exposure to violent media. The studies show that: In experimental studies, even brief exposure to media can cause desensitization to real‐world violence, increases in aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, and decreases in empathy and helping behavior. Short‐term effects of media violence and basic psychological processes produce cumulative effects over time, as explained by well‐established theories and research and social, developmental, and cognitive processes. Indeed, habitual exposure to media violence produces relatively stable changes in personality traits, such as trait aggression. Longitudinal research—studies that follow individuals over time—rule out plausible alternate explanations to these findings (for example, that the association between media violence and aggressive behavior is entirely the result of inherently aggressive people chasing more violent media). Media violence exposure is linked with physically hurting others, using words to hurt others, and deliberately damaging the relationships of others. Links have been found between violent media exposure and "real‐world" violent behaviors such as assault, intimate partner violence, robbery, and gang fighting. A growing body of evidence suggests that media with helping and presocial messages can lead to increases in empathy and helping behaviors, and decreases in aggressive behaviors. Changing a child's media diet from aggressive/violent to presocial, educational, and age‐appropriate can reduce aggression, increase presocial behavior, and improve educational outcomes. There is some consensus that a moderate amount of recreational screen time for school children is 1–2 hours per day, and that when screen media are coviewed by and discussed with parents and teachers, children are somewhat less harmed by violent media. Media violence is only one of many risk factors for aggression, but it is one that policy makers, professionals, and parents can address at little cost. Policy makers and media producers would benefit from working cooperatively with media psychologists who have backgrounds in social, developmental, cognitive, and/or personality psychology to produce evidence‐informed policies and media products. Policy makers should consider: (1) revising classification systems to be both evidence‐based and parent‐friendly, (2) including carefully constructed media literacy content in school curricula, and (3) creating a public education campaign on the impact of media violence.