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Greg Anderson is widely recognized as one of the world's leading wellness authorities, and is the founder of Cancer Recovery Foundation International, a global affiliation of national organizations whose mission is to help people prevent and survive cancer. Cancer Recovery Foundation focuses on the human services side of cancer. It does not fund clinical research or medical treatments. The foundation provides adults with training and support for implementing whole-person cancer prevention and survival strategies. Children with cancer and their families are served through the Children's Project

Fast track procedures have been key institutional mechanisms for U.S. trade policy making for nearly three decades. In April 2008, the U.S. House of Representatives made a small change to rules for considering the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement that significantly undermined fast track. However, these actions are really the culmination of the erosion of the utility of fast track in managing U.S. trade policy in the context of the challenges brought by increased openness in the global economy. Those challenges were laid bare with the first major bilateral agreement considered under fast track rules, the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement in the late 1980s. Adapted from the source document.

In 1984, Charles Doran argued that Canada-US relations were at a similar set of crossroads. Structural asymmetries, divergent interests, and both strategic and tactical missteps by Ottawa and Washington risked undermining the postwar comity and cooperation between the two countries. Through the 1970s, Canada and the United States had moved along divergent paths, abandoning many elements of cooperation, institution-building, deference, "exceptionalism," and "exemptionalism" that had until then characterized Canada-US relations. Such was the uncertain state of bilateral relations in the period that Ronald Reagan's ambitious call for a "continental accord" in 1979 seemed wildly out of step. Reagan's ascendancy to the White House dramatically reasserted America's role as leader and underwriter of a liberal global economic system. At the same time, Canada struggled to find its place in the world, trapped between the economic nationalism of initiatives like the national energy program and its dependence on an open global economy for its economic survival. It was a crossroads for the relationship, indeed. The premise of Forgotten Partnership Redux is that Doran's analysis is worth revisiting. In 1984, Doran lamented the deterioration of partnership as the basis of Canada-US relations. Decades of postwar cooperation and amity had given way to conflict and discord amid stagflation in the US economy, a challenging global agenda, and Canadian political and economic nationalism. What is the status of partnership as we enter 2012? On several fronts, the last two decades of Canada-US relations have been tumultuous and transformative. The existential debates over the 1988 Canada-US free trade agreement and the 1994 NAFTA arguably deepened ties while simultaneously exacerbating the ambivalence evident in partnership. As Canada seemingly retreated from global affairs behind the rhetoric of human security and the exigencies of the fiscal restraint of the early L990S, the globe's only superpower was confronting a complicated and uncertain post-Cold War international agenda. In many ways, the aftermath of deeper integration and the renewal of partnership in the late 1980s and early 1990s gave way to divergence and tension as the two countries' priorities changed. In short, the two nations had returned to 1984 and a partnership forgotten. Adapted from the source document.

A change of administration in Washington, D.C. in early 2009 will not represent a significant departure from recent approaches to border management in North America. The post-9/11 marriage of economics and security will continue to make border management difficult in security and economic terms for all three NAFTA countries. With no political momentum for new trade liberalization initiative in North America and security remaining as an overriding priority, the status quo will prevail. That means policy largely driven from Washington and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). However,the evolution of federalism in all three countries and proposals for reform of DHS offer hope for progress in border management driven by cross border necessities rather than dictates from Ottawa, Washington, or Mexico City.