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PAPER EXAMINES THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE SEX DIFFERENCES IN (US) POLITICAL PARTICIPATION (SPECIFICALLY PARTICIPATION IN ELECTION CAMPAIGNS) HAVE NARROWED OVER THE LAST 20 YEARS, AND FINDS THAT THE CHANGE IS DUE TO A PARTICULAR GROUP OF WOMEN - THOSE EMPLOYED OUTSIDE THE HOME - WHO NOW PARTICIPATE AT A RATE EQUAL TO THAT OF MEN.

A study of distortions to agricultural incentives in 18 developing countries from 1960–84, by Krueger, Schiff, and Valde´s (1988; 1991), found that policies in most of those developing countries were directly or indirectly harming their farmers. Since the mid-1980s, there has been a substantial amount of policy reform and opening up of many developing countries. Indicators of that progress have been made available recently by a new study that has compiled estimates for a much larger sample of developing countries, and for as many years as possible since 1955. The new study also covers Europe's transition economies and comparable estimates for high-income countries, thereby covering more than 90% of world agricultural output and employment. This article summarizes the methodology used in the new study, compares a synopsis of the indicators from Krueger, Schiff, and Valde´s and the new study for the period to 1984, summarizes the changing extent of price distortions across countries and commodities globally since then, and concludes by evaluating the degree of distortion reduction over the years since 1984 compared with how much still remains, according to the results of a global economy wide model ; Financial assistance from World Bank Trust Funds (particularly those provided by the governments of Japan, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom), and the Australian Research Council, is gratefully acknowledged.

For decades, earnings from farming in many developing countries have been depressed by a pro-urban bias in own-country policies, as well as by governments of richer countries favoring their farmers with import barriers and subsidies. Both sets of policies reduce national and global economic welfare and inhibit agricultural trade and economic growth. They almost certainly add to inequality and poverty in developing countries, since three-quarters of the world's billion poorest people depend on farming for their livelihood. During the past two decades, however, numerous developing country governments have reduced their sectoral and trade policy distortions, while some high-income countries also have begun reducing market-distorting aspects of their farm policies. The author surveys the changing extent of policy distortions to prices faced by developingcountry farmers over the past half century, and provides a summary of new empirical estimates from a global economy-wide model that yield estimates of how much could be gained by removing the interventions remaining as of 2004. The author concludes by pointing to the scope and prospects for further pro-poor policy reform in both developing and high-income countries.

Intro -- Black Resilience -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Introduction: Pull up a Chair -- Chapter 1: The Power of Black Resilience -- Chapter 2: The White Divide -- Chapter 3: Building Black Identity:Tearing Down the Myths -- Chapter 4: Deploying Tactful Empathy: Our Covert Operation -- Chapter 5: RAD Refuse to Accept Defeat -- Chapter 6: Knowledge Is Black Power -- Chapter 7: Surviving the Police -- Chapter 8: The Healthcare Deck & -- How It's Stacked Against Us -- Chapter 9: The Challenge & -- the Triumph of Black Parenthood -- Chapter 10: Building One Community through Black Resilience -- Endnotes.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Wiley via the DOI in this record ; The world of late seems oversaturated with stories about drones. These suddenly pervasive machines straddle a divide in geography, being simultaneously an important tool for proximal sensing in physical geography and technology with military origins that human geographers have critically engaged. This paper, a collaboration between a physical and a human geographer, is an exploration of the epistemological nexus that a critical drone methodology offers the discipline, and which we suggest provides a new opportunity for collaborative human/physical geography. Drawing on our own research with drones and that of others, we demonstrate how recent scholarship on vertical geographies and longstanding remote-sensing frameworks are challenged by drone methodologies where social, environmental and technological concerns are entangled with the politics of access to proximal airspace and, in doing so, define a new conceptual atmospheric zone within the Earth's atmospheric boundary layer – the "Nephosphere" – where drone experimentation occurs. We argue that engagement with non-military uses of drones is crucial for the discipline, now that we are entering an uncertain aerial future that will be replete with flying robots, and suggest drones are reconfiguring geographic imaginations. In short, we call on geographers to participate actively in the shaping of new drone methodologies where the values and perils of the technology can be critically debated from the starting point of the experiential, rather than the speculative.

The mechanical response of connections in fire is largely based on material strength degradation and the interactions between the various components of the connection. In order to predict connection performance in fire, temperature profiles must initially be established in order to evaluate the material strength degradation over time. This paper examines two current methods for predicting connection temperatures: The percentage method, where connection temperatures are calculated as a percentage of the adjacent beam lower-flange, mid-span temperatures; and the lumped capacitance method, based on the lumped mass of the connection. Results from the percentage method do not correlate well with experimental results, whereas the lumped capacitance method shows much better agreement with average connection temperatures. A 3D finite element heat transfer model was also created in Abaqus, and showed good correlation with experimental results.

THIS ARTICLE CONSIDERS THE CONDUCT OF ARMED PARTIES IN THE INVASION OF PANAMA ON 20 DECEMBER 1989 BY UNITED STATES FORCES, IN RELATION TO THE STANDARDS ESTABLISHED BY THE INTERNATIONAL LAWS OF WAR AND THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS OF 1949. THE ARTICLE CONFINES ITSELF TO THE CONDUCT OF US AND PANAMANIAN ARMED FORCES FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES, AND DOES NOT CONSIDER ARGUMENTS FOR OR AGAINST THE INVASION ITSELF. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES THAT US FORCES FAILED IN THEIR GENEVA CONVENTION OBLIGATIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE DETECTIONS OF PANAMANIAN POWS AND CIVILIANS. IT ALSO CONCLUDES THAT US FORCES FAILED TO EXERCISE PRECAUTIONS TO MINIMIZE COLLATERAL CIVILIAN CASUALTIES IN THE ATTACK ON THE PANAMANIAN MILITARY HEADQUARTERS. IT FINDS THAT PANAMANIAN FORCES PUT NON-COMBATANT CIVILIANS AT RISK BY DRESSING IN CIVILIAN CLOTHES AND FIRING FROM CIVILIAN-OCCUPIED STRUCTURES. IT ESTIMATES THE NUMBER OF PANAMANIAN CIVILIAN DEAD AT APPROXIMATELY 300. THE ARTICLE FURTHER CONSIDERS PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS UNDER THE NEW ENDARA GOVERNMENT, AND THE PLIGHT OF REFUGEES LEFT HOMELESS BY THE INVASION.