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Research confirms that China is becoming more engaged in the Arctic. However, international relations scholarship often extrapolates from relatively few instances of activity to wide-ranging claims about Chinese priorities. Fortunately, Chinese political discourse is organised by labels that allow us to study how the Arctic is classified and ranked along China's other foreign policy priorities. This article analyses two such classifications – "important maritime interest" and "strategic new frontier," exploring how they have come about, what they mean, and how they add political priority to the Arctic. It argues that hierarchies are constructed in two ways: by adding gradients and by including/excluding in categories of priority. It views categories as performative: they not only convey information about character and relative importance of interests but are also used for achieving different objectives. By focusing on foreign policy classifications, the article contributes to a more nuanced and precise understanding of China's Arctic interests.

Research confirms that China is becoming more engaged in the Arctic. However, international relations scholarship often extrapolates from relatively few instances of activity to wide-ranging claims about Chinese priorities. Fortunately, Chinese political discourse is organised by labels that allow us to study how the Arctic is classified and ranked along China's other foreign policy priorities. This article analyses two such classifications-"important maritime interest" and "strategic new frontier," exploring how they have come about, what they mean, and how they add political priority to the Arctic. It argues that hierarchies are constructed in two ways: by adding gradients and by including/excluding categories of priority. It views categories as performative: they not only convey information about character and relative importance of interests but are also used for achieving different objectives. By focusing on foreign policy classifications, the article contributes to a more nuanced and precise understanding of China's Arctic interests.

Poster presented at the '1st International Conference on Cognitive Reserve in the Dementias (ResDem)'; 24th November 2017, Munich, Germany. ; This work has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie action grant agreement No 707730.

Inflammation and lymphangiogenesis are two cohesively coupled processes that promote tumour growth and invasion. Here we report that TNF-alpha markedly promotes tumour lymphangiogenesis and lymphatic metastasis. The TNF-alpha-TNFR1 signalling pathway directly stimulates lymphatic endothelial cell activity through a VEGFR3-independent mechanism. However, VEGFR3-induced lymphatic endothelial cell tips are a prerequisite for lymphatic vessel growth in vivo, and a VEGFR3 blockade completely ablates TNF-alpha-induced lymphangiogenesis. Moreover, TNF-alpha-TNFR1-activated inflammatory macrophages produce high levels of VEGF-C to coordinately activate VEGFR3. Genetic deletion of TNFR1 (Tnfr1(-/-)) in mice or depletion of tumour-associated macrophages (TAMs) virtually eliminates TNF-alpha-induced lymphangiogenesis and lymphatic metastasis. Gain-of-function experiments show that reconstitution of Tnfr1(+/+) macrophages in Tnfr1(+/+) mice largely restores tumour lymphangiogenesis and lymphatic metastasis. These findings shed mechanistic light on the intimate interplay between inflammation and lymphangiogenesis in cancer metastasis, and propose therapeutic intervention of lymphatic metastasis by targeting the TNF-alpha-TNFR1 pathway. ; Funding Agencies|Swedish Research Council; Swedish Cancer Foundation; Karolinska Institute Foundation; Karolinska Institute; Torsten Soderbergs foundation; Soderbergs stiftelse; Tianjin Natural Science Foundation (CMM-Tianjin) [09ZCZDSF04400]; European Union [222741]; European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant ANGIOFAT [250021]