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This chapter shows how nationalism logically leads regional governments to seek international agency. The first section argues that paradiplomacy is a likely consequence of the existence of a strong nationalist movement because it prodvides opportunities for identity/nation building, political-territorial mobilization and the promotion of regional interests.The second section suggests that regional autonomy, constitutional frameworks and the national foreign policy agenda are the crucial elements of this domestic context. The third section examines the case of the Basque Country. ; Peer reviewed

The strength of secessionism in liberal-democracies varies in time and space. Inspired by historical institutionalism, Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy argues that such variation is explained by the extent to which autonomy evolves in time. If autonomy adjusts to the changing identity, interests, and circumstances of an internal national community, nationalism is much less likely to be strongly secessionist than if autonomy is a final, unchangeable settlement. Developing a controlled comparison of, on the one hand, Catalonia and Scotland, where autonomy has been mostly static during key periods of time, and, on the other hand, Flanders and South Tyrol, where it has been dynamic, and also considering the Basque Country, Quâebec, and Puerto Rico as additional cases, this book puts forward an elegant theory of secessionism in liberal-democracies.

"Basque Nationalism and the Spanish State is an original and provocative discussion of a phenomenon that has provided the Basques with an unusually strong ethnic identiry but has also generated important internal conflict among them, while vexing Spain's central government for many generations. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the Basques or in the development of modern nationalist movements."--BOOK JACKET.

"New institutionalism is one of the most influential approaches in contemporary political science. In this collection of essays, top scholars in the field offer important contributions to new institutionalist theory, engaging in debates about structure and agency, state-society relations, institutional creation and change, preference formation, and the complicated web of relationships between institutions, culture, ideas, identity, rationality, and interests. From an analytical point of view, the essays examine how the state and political institutions shape a variety of political phenomena and outcomes, namely, nationalism, democratic transition, party aggregation, policy networks, war and peace, international recognition, sovereignty, and specific public policies. One of the unique features of the book is that it offers institutionalist analysis in the sub-fields of political science: comparative politics, public policy, and international relations."--Jacket

AbstractThis presidential address on Canada and the study of territorial politics makes four main arguments. The first is that territory is a central component of politics, especially of Canadian politics, and that it should remain a focal point of specialists of Canadian and comparative politics. The second is that territory matters in contemporary politics because it serves as grounding for political communities, their claims, and their politics. The third is that not "identifying" parts of Canadian politics as "territorial politics" risks overlooking the importance of territory in the theorizing of federalism, nationalism and regionalism. The fourth is that, through the case of Canada, political scientists have made significant contributions to the study of comparative territorial politics.

Contrary to the dominant expectations of the late 20th century, secessionism surged in two West European minority national communities, Catalonia and Scotland, over the last decade. Yet, in two others enjoying similar degrees of autonomy, Flanders and South Tyrol, secessionism did not gain strength. This outcome suggests that focusing on the degree of autonomy afforded to minority national communities is misplaced. This article shows that the nature of autonomy is more important than its degree for understanding the strength of secessionism. It demonstrates that the key to autonomy regimes weakening secessionism is their capacity to adjust and expand over time. Dynamic autonomy staves off secessionism while static autonomy stimulates it. The article is based on a controlled comparison of, on the one hand, Catalonia and Scotland, where autonomy regimes have been mostly static during key periods of time, and, on the other hand, Flanders and South Tyrol, where they have been dynamic.