The roles of non-governmental or civil society organizations have become more complex, especially in the context of changing relationships with nation states and the international community. In many instances, state–civil society relations have worsened, leading experts to speak of a "shrinking space" for civil society nationally as well as internationally. The author proposes to initiate a process for the establishment of an independent high-level commission of eminent persons (i) to examine the changing policy environment for civil society organizations in many countries as well as internationally, (ii) to review the reasons behind the shrinking space civil society encounters in some parts of the world and its steady development in others, and (iii) to make concrete proposals for how the state and the international system on the one hand and civil society on the other hand can relate in productive ways in national and multilateral contexts.
The roles of non-governmental or civil society organizations have become more complex, especially in the context of changing relationships with nation states and the international community. In many instances, state-civil society relations have worsened, leading experts to speak of a 'shrinking space' for civil society nationally as well as internationally. The author proposes to initiate a process for the establishment of an independent high-level commission of eminent persons (i) to examine the changing policy environment for civil society organizations in many countries as well as internationally, (ii) to review the reasons behind the shrinking space civil society encounters in some parts of the world and its steady development in others, and (iii) to make concrete proposals for how the state and the international system on the one hand and civil society on the other hand can relate in productive ways in national and multilateral contexts.
The roles of non-governmental or civil society organizations have become more complex, especially in the context of changing relationships with nation states and the international community. In many instances, state-civil society relations have worsened, leading experts to speak of a "shrinking space" for civil society nationally as well as internationally. The author proposes to initiate a process for the establishment of an independent high-level commission of eminent persons (i) to examine the changing policy environment for civil society organizations in many countries as well as internationally, (ii) to review the reasons behind the shrinking space civil society encounters in some parts of the world and its steady development in others, and (iii) to make concrete proposals for how the state and the international system on the one hand and civil society on the other hand can relate in productive ways in national and multilateral contexts.
Dahrendorf´s Quandary, an early formulation of the Rodrik Trilemma, stipulates that maintaining economic competitiveness requires countries either to adopt measures detrimental to the cohesion of civil society, or to restrict civil liberties and political participation. The global financial and economic crisis of 2008–09 offers a test case for the applicability of the Quandary. We do so by examining economic, political and social stressors afflicting countries during the period of 2009–2014 relative to the severity and type of crises they experienced, and the ensuing political consequences for economy policy, democracy and society prevalent in 2019. We find that the Quandary does not apply uniformly across advanced market economies. Instead we detect distinct clusters that vary in their intensity of the tension the Quandary stipulates. We also find a consistent and positive relationship between Quandary intensity and crisis severity, yet obtain inconclusive results when looking at the relationship with current trends. The findings suggest that the crisis preparedness and the actual governance capability of countries to address the negative effects of economic globalization are key to managing the tensions inherent in the Dahrendorf Quandary and the Rodrik Trilemma. While Dahrendorf seems to assume that societies may be more likely to abandon liberal democracy for the sake of preserving social cohesion, Rodrik seems to lean towards the expectation that countries will roll back globalization in order to maintain the other two elements.
The relationship between many G20 governments and organized civil society has become more complex, laden with tensions, and such that both have to find more optimal modes of engagement. In some instances, state-civil society relations have worsened, leading some experts and activists to speak of a 'shrinking space' for civil society. How wide-spread is this phenomenon? Are these more isolated occurrences or indeed part of a more general development? How can countries achieve and maintain an enabling environment for civil society? The authors suggest that much of the current impasse results foremost from outdated and increasingly ill-suited regulatory frameworks that fail to accommodate a much more diverse and expanded set of civil society organizations (CSO). In response, they propose a differentiated model for a regulatory framework based on functional roles. Based on quantitative profiling and expert surveys, moreover, the paper also derives initial recommendations on how governments and civil society could find ways to relate to each other in both national and multilateral contexts.
The relationship between many G20 governments and organized civil society has become more complex, laden with tensions, and such that both have to find more optimal modes of engagement. In some instances, state-civil society relations have worsened, leading some experts and activists to speak of a "shrinking space" for civil society. How wide- spread is this phenomenon? Are these more isolated occurrences or indeed part of a more general development? How can countries achieve and maintain an enabling environment for civil society? The authors suggest that much of the current impasse results foremost from outdated and increasingly ill-suited regulatory frameworks that fail to accommodate a much more diverse and expanded set of civil society organizations (CSO). In response, they propose a differentiated model for a regulatory framework based on functional roles. Based on quantitative profiling and expert surveys, moreover, the paper also derives initial recommendations on how governments and civil society could find ways to relate to each other in both national and multilateral contexts.
Basierend auf den Erkenntnissen der Soziologie sozialer Bewegungen werden die unterschiedlichen Konjunkturen in der Konstitutionsphase der NSDAP in München zwischen 1925 und 1930 untersucht. Insbesondere wird entlang von Framing-Strategien der Frage nachgegangen, ob und in welchem Maß die Nutzung besonderer Opportunitätsstrukturen der Partei den Durchbruch bei den Reichstagswahlen im September 1930 ermöglicht hat. Mittels einer inhaltsanalytischen Auswertung der im Völkischen Beobachter angekündigten Vortragsthemen öffentlicher Veranstaltungen der NSDAP in München kann gezeigt werden, daß es der NSDAP in dem ausgeprägten konjunkturellen auf und ab der Parteiaktivitäten seit Anfang 1929 gelungen ist, mittels eines zusammenhängenden Rahmens von Themen und deren geschickter Einbindung in identity, injustice und agency frames, spezifische political opportunities in geeigneter Weise in Sinnmuster zu integrieren und als Issues für den Bewegungserfolg operativ und effektiv zu nutzen. Diese Framing- Leistung ist der NSDAP in ihrer Durchbruchsphase offensichtlich mit eindrucksvollem Erfolg gelungen und hat ihren Aufstieg zur Macht zumindest erleichtert. ; Following insights of social movement theory, this paper looks at movement cycles in the initial development of the NSDAP in Munich between 1925 and 1930. The paper explores the framing strategies the party employed in trying to make efficient use of opportunity structures in the political discourse of the late 1920s, leading to a political breakthrough with the national elections of September 1930. Based on a content analysis of the official party newspaper, Voelkischer Beobachter, we analyze the topics of political events and speeches the NSDAP organized in Munich between 1925 and 1930. The results show that, after 1928, the NSDAP managed to achieve a coherent set of themes around economic and political issues that had been characteristically absent in previous periods. Specifically, we find evidence that from 1929 onwards, the party managed to integrate an injustice frame with an identity frame and an agency frame to forge a politically powerful and forwardlooking message that may have facilitated both its acceptance among broader segments of the population, and its ultimate rise to power.
In the present context of intensifying competition between the major trading economies and potentially game-changing technological developments, the European Union is generally seen as the weaker party. Lacking the 'hard power' derived from military capabilities, it has laid claim to a 'soft power' of normative influence externally, yet even that is only partially utilised. Nor has Europe been able to exercise the power to coerce – 'sharp power' – commensurate with its economic weight as a trading bloc equivalent in size and reach to the US or China, its most prominent global competitors. How can Europe strengthen its position, and in what fields? Through a scenario exercise, we develop eight policy proposals aimed at countering Europe´s vulnerabilities and enabling it to assert its sharp and soft power more effectively. Specifically, we consider the feasibility, means and scope for their realisation. Together, they provide a transformative agenda for the EU's position in the world.
In the present context of intensifying competition between the major trading economies and potentially game-changing technological developments, the European Union is generally seen as the weaker party. Lacking the 'hard power' derived from military capabilities, it has laid claim to a 'soft power' of normative influence externally, yet even that is only partially utilised. Nor has Europe been able to exercise the power to coerce – 'sharp power' – commensurate with its economic weight as a trading bloc equivalent in size and reach to the US or China, its most prominent global competitors. How can Europe strengthen its position, and in what fields? Through a scenario exercise, we develop eight policy proposals aimed at countering Europe´s vulnerabilities and enabling it to assert its sharp and soft power more effectively. Specifically, we consider the feasibility, means and scope for their realisation. Together, they provide a transformative agenda for the EU's position in the world.
Die vorliegende Studie ist Teil der mehrjährigen Forschungskooperation "Aktuelle Debatten und Entwicklungen im deutschen Nonprofit-Sektor" der Hertie School of Governance und des Centrums für soziale Investitionen und Innovationen (CSI) der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg. Ziel der Kooperation ist es, einen wissenschaftlichen Beitrag zu aktuellen Debatten und Entwicklungen im Nonprofit-Sektor zu leisten. Dabei soll zeitnah und anwendungsorientiert auf politikrelevante Fragestellungen eingegangen werden.
