Suchergebnisse

Côte d'Ivoire first experienced a civil war in 2002, but the country's rapid socio-political disintegration after the demise of Félix Houphouët-Boigny in 1993 produced several risk factors that would eventually culminate in atrocity crimes between 2010 and 2011. This article identifies a weak state that only exercised jurisdiction over the south of the country, years of instability driven by horizontal inequalities and an identity crisis, past abuses that had gone unpunished, and election disputes that served as triggers for atrocity crimes. The deeply polarized nature of Ivorian society meant that local mechanisms for resolving disputes and building peace were not wholly effective, even though they helped to resolve disputes and prevent violence in some local communities. Findings from the Ivorian case demonstrate the need to pay closer attention to the structural and proximate factors that underpin conflicts. Côte d'Ivoire also presents lessons on the need for decisive action in the face of unfolding atrocity crimes. There was a need for timely and decisive response in accordance with the principles of R2P. Nonetheless military intervention was delayed for months, resulting in avoidable fatalities.

Abstract
Ghana's role in African-led peace support operations (pso) is best situated within the first Economic Community of West African States Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ecomog) mission deployed in 1990 to Liberia. Ghana, and Nigeria, spearheaded this initiative at a time when regional interventions in intra-state conflicts had not been properly elaborated and UN collaboration with regional organizations in conflict interventions were underdeveloped. Through its multiple expanded contributions in Sierra Leone, La Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea Bissau, Mali and Gambia, Ghana's experiences provide critical and important cognitive lessons in how a resource constrained state adapted to the changing operational environments of pso s. This paper explores Ghana's contributions to ecowas pso s and argues that Ghana, though not a hegemon, has been a driving force behind some ecowas pso s. It argues that participation in pso s have provided opportunities through which Ghana has demonstrated and enhanced its influence and agency in regional affairs and the international system.

Deconstructing International Relations (IR) episteme acknowledges its generation of power imbalances in security knowledge that relegate African experiences to the margins of global politics. Central to this process of relegation is a pervasive 'methodological whiteness', which, while eliding coloniality and racism, projects white experience as a universal perspective. Accompanying this Eurocentric bias has been the intrusive projection of the Weberian state as the most effective site for security governance and conflict prevention on a continent with states that are characterized by a hybridity of political orders, which deviate substantially from the ideal-type state that they seek to mimic. Not only has this resulted in disastrous policies in many parts of Africa, but critical questions arise as to the relevance of conventional IR and security studies as neutral sites for dispassionate knowledge production and policy-making on African security, thereby necessitating alternative perspectives. This article reflects on the ways in which IR and security studies have been responsible, in part, for the production of a racialized mode of security knowledge generation that obfuscates the security policies and experiences of people in African locales. It draws on insights from post-colonial discourses and the episteme of alternativity to explore how the study of events and processes in Africa in a theoretically conscious manner could advance IR scholarship as a whole. It contends that incorporating African experiences as they manifest through hybrid security orders can broaden the empirical base for IR theorizing about security since they offer another perspective outside the conventional western assumptions and experiences.