Since 2019, anti-Islam non-parliamentary activists have explored the limits to freedom of speech in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands through their provocative Quran desecration acts. Using the non-parliamentarian arena to exercise power from a position of minority, the far-right activist Rasmus Paludan and his party were able to effectively push the Danish constitutional boundaries, while at the same time affecting the geopolitical situation. While the protests so far only have had legal repercussions regarding blasphemy and freedom of speech in Denmark, it clearly demonstrates that non-parliamentary far-right activists also hold certain legislative powers.
The central aim of Deliverable 9.5 is to analyse the positions and opinions of political groups in the European Parliament (EP) and European social movements on civil, political and social rights for women, migrants and minorities in order to understand their views on family-related rights and values, in particular the position of the Committee of the European Parliament on Women's Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM). The deliverable focuses on the policy issues of free movement of young women, migration and elderly care, and how they are affected by EU level policies, positions and opinions. The working process included several steps: - Desktop research to select relevant themes for the analysis. - Reading and coding all of the relevant policy documents (reports and opinions; see appendix) drafted by the FEMM Committee regarding free movement of young women, migration and elderly care from 2009 to 2014, using a critical frame analysis approach. - Mapping positions and opinions of political groups on the selected issues and identifying key frames. - Desk top research on positions and opinions of political groups and civil society organisations (CSOs) on the selected issues as these are communicated on their respective web sites. - Policy tracing key reports within each area in order to analyse the policy process (debate and amendments in Committee, plenary debate and voting results as well as explanations to votes). - Conducting, transcribing and analysing interviews with politicians (FEMM Committee MEPs) and civil society representatives (major European organizations in the field). - Producing data on the descriptive representation of women in the EP and the FEMM Committee. - Presenting an overview of existing literature related to the work, function and dynamics of the FEMM Committee.
Introduction: Europeanisation, the Far Right, and the 'Refugee Crisis' -- Social Movement Europeanisation and Far-Right Collective Action, Coalition-Building, and Frames -- Introducing Generation Identity: Origins, Resources, Opportunities, and Protest Actions -- Introducing Fortress Europe: Origins, Resources, Opportunities, and Protest Actions -- Framing Generation Identity: Shared Threat Perceptions and Visions of a European 'Us' of Ethnically Homogeneous Peoples -- Framing Fortress Europe: A 'Resistance' Movement against Islam and the Political Mainstream -- Europeanisation of Generation Identity's Collective Action: Jointly Mobilising in the Defence of Europe -- Europeanisation of Fortress Europe's Collective Action: Domestic Protests against the 'Islamisation' of Europe -- The Trans-European Generation Identity Coalition: Sustained by a Strong Leadership -- The Fortress Europe Network: Event-Specific and Lacking Professional Leadership -- Conclusion: Far-Right Europeanisation?
Europeanisation of the Contemporary Far Right explores the role of transnational European identity in far-right mobilisation strategies. Focusing on the national members of two trans-European far-right coalitions ⁰́₄ Generation Identity and Fortress Europe ⁰́₄ the author explores the extent to which European far-right extra-parliamentary actors Europeanise their mobilisation. Drawing on social movement literature, the book argues that national extra-parliamentary actors⁰́₉ Europeanisation processes are influenced by their political and discursive opportunities and resources. Focusing on the groups⁰́₉ mobilisation during the ⁰́₈refugee crisis⁰́₉ (2015⁰́₃2017), the analysis considers the groups⁰́₉ frames, collective action, and coalition-building in the period, finding that the depth of the groups⁰́₉ resources particularly affects their capacity to mobilise. This book will be of interest to scholars, students, and civil society actors in fields related to the far right, European studies, social movements, and migration.
The debate over male circumcision is symptomatic of the developments in Danish politics as a result of cohabitation with the radical right over the last two decades
In: Siim , B , Krizsán , A , Gruziel , D & Nissen , A 2016 , Report of Case Studies on Gender Equality as a Focus Point of National and Nativist Discourses . Publication Archive , no. Deliverable 9.7 , vol. Work package 9 , bEUcitizen: barrier towards EU citizens . https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.61786
Reframing Citizenship and Gender Justice – transnational and intersectional perspectivesMarshall's classical formulation of citizenship was associated with equal rights and duties of citizens within the nation state (Marshall 1950). It was at the same time based upon inequality within the category citizen, i.e. based on gender and ethnicity, as well between citizens and non-citizens. During the last 20 years processes of globalization, European integration and immigration have increased inequalities within the nation state as well as inequalities between nationals for example between European citizens and third country nationals. These developments have contributed to challenge the classical understanding and have inspired scholarly debates about reframing of the classical model. The notion of citizenship is contextual depending on national histories and the particularity of places and spaces. This presentation will explore the theoretical and normative problems and potentials to reframe the concept of citizenship to include visions of gender equality and gender justice within and beyond the nation states (Siim 2013). One crucial issue is how to expand the understanding of citizenship to include cultural diversity within the nation state. Scholars have proposed a multicultural citizenship (Kymlicka 1995), which recognizes the diversity and accommodate the cultural difference of minority groups within the nation states. Another crucial issue is how to expand citizenship to the transnational/global level. Scholars have proposed a notion of rooted cosmopolitan citizenship (Benhabib 2006) beyond the national state. The recent political and economic crisis has inspired debates about gender equality and gender justice within and beyond the nation state. Feminist scholarship has started to explore intersections of gender, class and diversity at local, national and transnational levels (Lombardo, Meier & Verloo 2009; Siim & Mokre 2013) and to reframe theoretical approaches to citizenship from intersectional and transnational perspectives (Yuval-Davis 2011; Fraser 2013). References:Benhabib, S. (2006). Another Cosmopolitanism, Oxford: Oxford University Press.Fraser, N. (2013). Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crisis, London: VersoKymlicka, Will (1995). Multicultural Citizenship. A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, Oxford, Oxford University Press.Lombardo, E., P. Meier & M. Verloo (eds.) (2009). The Discursive Politics of Gender Equality, London: Routledge.Marshall, T.H. (1950). Citizenship and Social Class and other essays, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Siim, B. (2013). "Citizenship", essay 30. In: K. Celis, V. Waylen (eds.). Handbook on Gender and Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.Siim, B. & M. Mokre (eds.) (2013) Negotiation Gender and Diversity in an Emergent European Public Sphere, Basingstoke: Palgrave.Yuval-Davis, N. (2011). The Politics of Belonging: Intersectional Contestations, London: Sage Publications.
This report derives from the work of partners involved in Work Package 9 of the FP7 programme bEUcitizen: Utrecht University (NL); the University of Zagreb (HR); Aalborg University (DK); Central European University Budapest (HU); the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (IS); The University of Turin (IT) and the University of Oviedo (ES). This report studies the way the complex dynamics of individual member states' care, migration and employment policies impact on the citizenship status of migrant care workers. It also explores the extent to which migrant care workers from EU versus non-EU countries (i.e. third country nationals, TCNs) can exercise citizenship rights across the EU15 (Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain), new members (Croatia and Hungary) and non-EU states (Israel). Relation between the 'right to receive care' and migrant care work The categorisation of 'migrant care worker models' that we introduce – the 'state-supported professional MCW model' (DK, NL), the 'state-supported domestic MCW model', (ES, IT), and the 'legalised-informality MCW model' (HR, HU) – demonstrates under which conditions distinct patterns of migrant care work prevail. In countries where citizens have the right to receive professional LTC services, a well-developed formal LTC system exists in which care is provided by trained professional workers. In migration policies access is restricted for unqualified workers from third-countries and highly-skilled workers have privileged access (DK, NL). Migrant care work prevails in those countries where the family logic of care prevails and where citizens have the right to receive non-professional LTC (ES, IT). LTC systems in which care is provided in the informal sphere by non-professional workers may be characterised by a large underground economy, which may represent a favourable condition for the informal employment of MCWs as live-in workers. When the state supports care provision within the private household through the entitlement to cash-benefits schemes, hiring non-professional ...