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In this article we present a general interpretation of the recent tendency of Italian political forces to promote laws in the criminal field aimed more at producing political consensus of an emotional kind than at addressing real legal and social needs. In particular we'll demonstrate how the social trend could be classified as 'populist punitiveness', which has become stronger with the so-called populist turn of the Italian political system during the early 90s of the last century, and how it has become a permanent trait of the neo-populist forces that have dominated the Italian political scene for the past twenty-five years. In particular, we will analyse the government formed by the Northern League and the 5 Star Movement, also called the yellow-green government, headed by Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, in power from June 2018 to September 2019. We will highlight how some of the most significant criminal laws have followed a general pattern that corresponds to a punitive vision of society, aimed at fostering feelings of fear and protection that are irrational rather than grounded. Our thesis is that the neo-populist turn of the Italian system has not only profoundly transformed the system and political structures of the country but also civil society and the public opinion, rebalancing entire spheres of the Italian social and political system.

"Populism: An Introduction is the first introduction to the theme of populism. It will introduce the principal theories, definitions, models and contemporary debates. A number of global case studies will be used to illustrate the concept: Russian populism; Latin American populism; Italian populism. Populism will reflect on the sociology of democratic processes and investigate the evolution of political consensus in contemporary political systems. This book will appeal to academics and postgraduate students working in the field of sociology, political sociology and politics."--Provided by publisher.

The aim of this paper is to propose an interpretative key to Italy's populist shift in a context of multipopulism. The authors try to analyze the main populist phenomena that have animated Italian politics as variants of the same schema whose point of commonality lies in a shared civil matrix. The hermeneutic thesis is based on the fact that the pattern of multipopulism in Italy has been determined by a succession of populist variants that have only one factor in common: belonging to civil society and, consequently, a marked antipolitical inclination. This anti-political mass attitude and the subsequent cases of populism are associated to the depoliticization process in Italy. By depoliticization the authors mean a set of changes in the ways political power is exercised in the neoliberal era by legitimizing actors less able to witness the presence of the "political". ; El objetivo de este artículo es proponer una clave interpretativa del cambio populista de Italia en un contexto de multipopulismo. Los autores intentan analizar los principales fenómenos populistas que han animado a la política italiana como variantes del mismo esquema, cuyo punto en común se encuentra en una matriz civil compartida. La tesis hermenéutica se basa en el hecho de que el patrón de multipopulismo en Italia ha sido determinado por una sucesión de variantes populistas que tienen un solo factor en común: pertenecer a la sociedad civil y, en consecuencia, una marcada inclinación antipolítica. Esta actitud antipolítica de masas y los casos posteriores de populismo están asociados al proceso de despolitización en Italia. Por despolitización, los autores se refieren a un conjunto de cambios en las formas en que se ejerce el poder político en la era neoliberal legitimando a los actores menos capaces de presenciar la presencia de lo "político".

AbstractAre the sociological profiles of radical right‐wing populist parties' (RRPPs) representatives really unlike those of their counterparts in mainstream parties? Once RRPPs occupy positions of legislative power for an extended period, do their MPs' profiles increasingly converge with those of more mainstream parties? This paper examines three right‐wing parties in Austria, Italy, and Switzerland (FPÖ, LEGA, and SVP), and shows how RRPPs' MPs persistently contrast the "diploma democracy", that is the increasingly dominant high‐educated trend in political representation. Inspired by the current scholarship's diachronic and comparative perspectives of political elites and MPs, the analysis focuses trends since the 1980s.