Suchergebnisse

This article is a review of Student Movements for the Republic of Kosovo: 1968, 1981 and 1997, by Atdhe Hetemi, Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements; Cham: Springer International Publishing; Imprint: Palgrave Macmillan: 1st ed. 2020 ISBN 978-3-030-54951-0

This article explores the phenomenon of intra-Yugoslav Albanian migration to Croatia during late socialism. By the 1970s and 1980s Albanians from Kosovo and Macedonia were among the most prominent labor migrants to the northwest of the country. Most Albanian migrants were engaged in private business which while legal, was anathema according to Yugoslav socialist modernity and meant that their activities took place largely without the supervision of the party-state. Albanians were viewed by the Croatian authorities as a potential security threat because of political stirrings in Kosovo in the 1980s. Furthermore they encountered prejudice from the population in the areas to which they moved. The Croatian archival documents referred to in this text depict Albanians as simultaneously being of great economic means (buying large houses and business spaces through family networks, funded by smuggling and other illicit activities) but also as socially marginal (undertaking poorly paid physical labor and informal jobs due to economic necessity). By the end of socialism the political interests of Albanians in Croatia and Croatians themselves began to align however. ; Fonds zur Förderung der Wissenschaftlichen Forschung P 32345 ; Version of record

AbstractMost studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward.

Most studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward. ; (VLID)5737772 ; Version of record

This article explores controversies provoked by the Serbian pop-folk musical style "turbofolk" which emerged in the 1990s. Turbofolk has been accused of being a lever of the Milošević regime – an inherently nationalist cultural phenomenon which developed due to the specific socio-political conditions of Serbia in the 1990s. In addition to criticism of turbofolk on the basis of nationalism and war-mongering, it is commonly claimed to be "trash," "banal," "pornographic," "(semi-)rural," "oriental" and "Balkan." In order to better understand the socio-political dimensions of this phenomenon, I consider other Yugoslav musical styles which predate turbofolk and make reference to pop-folk musical controversies in other Balkan states to help inform upon the issues at stake with regard to turbofolk. I argue that rather than being understood as a singular phenomena specific to Serbia under Milošević, turbofolk can be understood as a Serbian manifestation of a Balkan-wide post-socialist trend. Balkan pop-folk styles can be understood as occupying a liminal space – an Ottoman cultural legacy – located between (and often in conflict with) the imagined political poles of liberal pro-European and conservative nationalist orientations. Understanding turbofolk as a value category imbued with symbolic meaning rather than a clear cut musical genre, I link discussions of it to the wider discourse of Balkanism. Turbofolk and other pop-folk styles are commonly imagined and articulated in terms of violence, eroticism, barbarity and otherness the Balkan stereotype promises. These pop-folk styles form a frame of reference often used as a discursive means of marginalisation or exclusion. An eastern "other" is represented locally by pop-folk performers due to oriental stylistics in their music and/or ethnic minority origins. For detractors, pop-folk styles pose a danger to the autochthonous national culture as well as the possibility of a "European" and cosmopolitan future. Correspondingly I demonstrate that such Balkan stereotypes are invoked and subverted by many turbofolk performers who positively mark alleged Balkan characteristics and negotiate and invert the meaning of "Balkan" in lyrical texts.

Cet article examine les changements socio-économiques, démographiques et politiques qui ont eu lieu en Yougoslavie entre 1979 et 1986, en lien avec les revendications des ouvriers. De nombreux facteurs socio-économiques particuliers ont contribué au début des années 1980 à la recomposition de la classe ouvrière yougoslave. Durant cette période, il fut de plus en plus évident que le projet de modernisation socialiste traversait une crise profonde. En 1984, à l'issue de la 13 e session de la Ligue des communistes de Yougoslavie, une large discussion fut lancée dans les cellules du parti sur l'état du parti et de la société. L'analyse de ces discussions dans les usines de métallurgie donne un aperçu de la multiplicité des revendications lancées par les cols bleus pendant la courte période où le parti a ouvert un espace de débat dans les ateliers.