Suchergebnisse

This study is intended to analyze the discourse of Bali TV coverage on the Kemoning –Budaga case, Bali, a conflict which took place on 17 September 2011, which led to discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village 'desa pakraman'. Such coverage of the case was considered blaming the Governor of Bali, Mangku Pastika. He was reported to intend to disperse the traditional villages in Bali. The Bali TV and Bali Post, which are under the Bali Post Media Group 'Kelompok Media Bali Post' (abbreviated to KMB) continuously exploited the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village subjectively. The Governor of Bali, Mangku Made Pastika, did not accept that and prosecuted the Bali Post in Denpasar Court of First Instance 'Pengadilan Negeri Denpasar'. The theory of discourse, the theory of agenda setting, the framing theory, and the theory of semiotics are used in the present study. The result of the analysis shows that the conflict between Kemoning Village and Budaga Village covered by the Bali Post was an extended discourse of the Bali Post printed media which was managed using a clear setting agenda for the social, political, and ideological interests of the KMB's Ajeg Bali. The relation between the Governor of Bali, Mangku Made Pastika, and KMB, which was good in the beginning, changed into a serious conflict. It is interesting to explore the discourse of the Bali TV's news release which aggravated the conflict in order to identify the subjective agenda of the news broadcasting policy and the counter discourse as the response to it. The main data of the present study are the discourse of the news released by the Bali TV on the Kemoning-Budaga case. The data were in the forms of the documents of the materials which were once presented. The Governor of Bali, Mangku Made Pastika, made use of the Department of the Public Relations of the Government of Bali Province and the media beyond the KMB such as the TVRI Bali and Radar Bali to present his counter discourse. The discourse on the Kemoning-Budaga Case shows a real example how the mass media do not pay attention to objectivity for the sake of power.

Nusa Dua Tourist Resort has been an important part of the development and growth of tourism industry in Bali. Therefore, the presents study was intended to analyze and answer the following questions: (1) what was the form of the power relation among the three stakeholders such as the government, the investors, and the local people in the management of the Nusa Dua Tourist Resort like after reformation from 1998 to 2013? (2) What ideologies contributing to the power relation in the management of the resort? (3) What was the meaning of the power relation among the three stakeholders such as the government, the investors and the local people, in such a management? It was found that the power relation in the management of the Nusa Dua Tourist Resort was affected by the hegemonic power, the negotiation power, and the oppositional power. The ideologies which contributed to the power relation in the management of the resort included the ideology of global tourism, the ideology of green tourism in the management of the resort and the ideology of the Local Culture in Culture Tourism. The struggle for the meaning of the power relation in the management of the resort among the three pillars (the government/BTDC, the investors, and the local people) would take place continuously. The three pillars gave different meanings, depending on their respective positions and interests.

Since the New Order government the religious politics has obliged residents to adhere to one of the five official religions, causing the Mbawa society to be a plural one. They have welcome Christianity and Islam, but they still maintain their old belief, that is, Parafu. Movements have appeared in the society. The people were between peace and conflict. The last movements led to violence, taking place in 1969, 1972, and 2000. The Raju cultural practice is maintained within the context of Islamic and Christian contestations, and has been used as the arena of cultural fight. This present study discusses how the Raju ritual frees itself and its supporting people from the conflict, and how it is transformed into a means of supervising peace. The perspective of the critical theory was used in the present study to explore the texts of the Mbawa society. The discourse analysis was used to guide the discussion. Based on the fieldwork done at Mbawa from 2011 to 2014, several constructions of the Raju cultural practices were found. First, the Raju practice refers to the maintenance of identity and supremacy of the Mbawa society as conserver of the ancestor's tradition; second, the Raju cultural practice functions as a mechanism of internal solidarity, so horizontal conflict can be avoided; and third, the Raju cultural practice plays a role as a means of revealing the "resistance" to as well as "acceptance" of the other people's cultural domination. The finding of the study gives better understanding of the tradition-based management of conflict. It is such a character which, to some extent, has caused the Raju cultural practice to be the practice of management conflict. The significant cultural position of the Mbawa plural society could be identified from the discursive space and its potential as means of communication.

Perguruan Kebatinan Sandhi Murti Indonesia is establised by I Gusti Ngurah Harta on 27th April 1990 in Denpasar City, Bali. Practice of kanuragan is identical to the stigma of violence, the practice of inner power and pangleakan associated with black magic, so this study aims to analyze and answer the formulation of the problems on the existence of social practices of Sandhi Murti in the field of kanuragan in Bali. This study is constructed as a cultural studies. The results of study showed the existence of Sandhi Murti in the field of kanuragan in Bali for 24 years (1990-2004) is characterized by the development of forms of activity in sports as well as in the arts, mysticism, economy and politics. Sandhi Murti social practices are also undergoing expansion area of activity in the branch organization in Tabanan Bali and Sandhi Murti Bulgaria in Europe, as well as developed personally by members overseas such as Australia, America, Russia and others. Sandhi Murti practices in the field of kanuragan is based on the teachings of siwa tantra (tantric), or siwa bhairawa, kandapat and dasaksara. Functions of kanuragan practiced by Sandhi Murti, such as : psychosomatic and psycho-kinetics therapy; commodity and recreational; magical function, social and cultural functions.The significance of social practices of Sandhi Murti develop social capital through group of solidarity. Significance of cultural transformation Sandhi Murti kanuragan practices reflected the cultural inheritance of tantric into organizational habitus.

Penataran Sasih Temple with the cultural heritage it has is located at Pejeng Village, Gianyar, and is commodified as a tourist attraction. There are three problems which are formulated in the present study. They are (1) what was the cultural heritage which Penataran Sasih Temple, Pejeng, Gianyar, has like; (2) how the process of commodification of the cultural heritage which the Penataran Sasih Temple has took place; (3) what were the impact and meaning of the commodification of the cultural heritage which the Pentaran Sasih Temple has on the people living at Pejeng Village. In general, this present study is intended to identify the commodification of the cultural heritage which the Penataran Sasih Temple has. In particular, this present study is intended to identify the form of the commodification of the cultural heritage, understand the process of the commodification, and explain the impact and meaning of the commodification. The qualitative method was used in the present study. The data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and library research. The data were analyzed descriptively and qualitatively. It could be inferred that the cultural heritages included (a) the kettledrum "Bulan Pejeng", the other cultural heritages, and the religious ritual; (b) the commodified cultural heritages were distributed by the government, profit organizations, academicians, and traditional organizations; and (c) the commodified cultural heritages were consumed by the local society, non Balinese society, and international society.