Suchergebnisse

Un an après l'invasion de février 2022, il paraît difficile de se livrer à une analyse exhaustive de l'état de la démocratie ukrainienne. Le contexte dramatique de la guerre a notamment suspendu le débat politique dans le pays. L'Ukraine s'affirme pourtant comme un État aux assises démocratiques solides, mais dont les valeurs libérales restent fragiles. La résistance à l'agression russe a néanmoins donné lieu à une mobilisation citoyenne considérable qui pourrait servir de base à un contrat démocratique renouvelé .

In a recent reflective essay written on his dual role as a scholar and public advocate, Paul Robert Magocsi with self-deprecation described himself as a loser on the margins. The sentiment of loss came with his emotional attachment to the wrong baseball team (the Dodgers rather than the Yankees) ("The Scholar as Nation-Builder"). What is clear, however, is that Magocsi is no loser in academia. My esteemed colleagues in this symposium are echoing what has become incontrovertible: Magocsi is a towering figure in Ukrainian Studies.

Post-communism has not changed the way post-Soviet states use identity categories on the census. All of them continue to count their population according to an ethnonational criteria. The principle of self-determination, according to which a state is based on the historic right of a so-called "titular" nationality, has consolidated the hegemony of the nationality mindset. A primordialist vision of historical science as the ultimate means to gauge the authenticity of national claims remains prevalent in academic & political discourse. During post-Soviet censuses, the most important claims seeking to separate a group from a titular nationality were rejected by Russian, Ukrainian, & Tatar elites. These censuses have also shown an important decrease of Russian populations outside of Russia, due to an "acceleration decolonization" in the South & an "identity reidentification" in the West, as in Ukraine. The Russian Census was open to public debates, a civic improvement that is called into question by the resurgence of authoritarianism in Russia. Adapted from the source document.

The Orange Revolution's hidden face: Ukraine and the denial of its regional problem
The 2004 Orange Revolution, an unprecedented popular mobilization against the falsification of presidential election results, revealed an important regional cleavage between a Centre-West massively in favor of the challenger, Viktor Yushchenko, and a South-East no less massively supporting the regime's candidate, Viktor Yanukovych. The 2006 parliamentary elections reproduced this geographic polarization. This division is caused by identity rather than economic factors, but only if non-traditional categories are used to examine ethnicity or language. The consolidation over many generations of a bi-ethnic structure in the South-East, the use of language as a symbol of a regional perspective anchored in history, and the aims of elites for inclusion in, rather than separation from, central politics are factors that help us better grasp the regional dimension that the Orange elite tends to deny.

The Orange Revolution still has the potential to yield a profound regime change in Ukraine, but despite their relative youth and familiarity with Western modes of political conduct, Orange elites have yet to give indication that this change is imminent.

Examines the controversy over the removal of the nationality category from Russian internal passports in the post-Soviet era; some focus on the distinction between the privacy of individual identities and the public salience of collective identities, the practice of ethnic quotas or affirmative action, and discrimination.