An increase in the number of cases related to radicalism in Indonesia is an early warning for the government and is very dangerous for the lives of Indonesian people including the Bima community. Therefore, an anticipated strategy is required to determine the best control of the radicalism. This study aims: (1) to determine the attitude of university student radicalism in the City of Bima, (2) build a mathematical model that is in line with the problem of radicalism in the City of Bima, and (3) to construct the reproduction number from the mathematical model of radicalism, and use the to explain the dynamics of the spread of radicalism in the city of Bima. The following results have been obtained: (1) STKIP Bima students' perceptions of radicalism are categorized into three groups, namely the healthy group of 295 people (12%), the neutral group of 1,768 people (72%), and the radicalism (in perception) group of 393 people ( 16%), (2) The mathematical model has been validated against the real data obtained from the STKIP Bima student population in 2019. It shows that if the chance of moving individuals from neutral groups to radical groups is greater or equal with the opportunity of individuals from neutral groups to healthy groups, one person who believes in radicalism can produce four to five new individuals who understand radicalism. ; Peningkatan tindakan radikalisme di Indonesia merupakan suatu peringatan dini (early warning) dan sudah sangat membahayakan bagi kehidupan masyarakat indonesia umumnya termasuk masayarak Bima khususnya. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan suatu langkah antisipasi yang terukur dan sesegera mungkin untuk memodelkan masalah radikalisme tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan : (1) untuk mengetahui sikap radikalisme mahasiswa Perguruan Tinggi di Kota Bima, (2) membangun model matematika yang sesuai dengan masalah radikalisme di Kota Bima., dan (3) menkonstruksi dari model matematika radikalisme, dan menggunakan tersebut untuk menjelaskan dinamika penyebaran radikalisme kota Bima. Hasil penelitian adalah sebagai berikut : (1) Persepsi mahasiswa STKIP Bima terhadap paham radikalisme terkategori dalam tiga kelompok, yaitu kelompok sehat sebesar 295 orang (12%), kelompok netral sebesar 1.768 orang (72%), dan kelompok paham radikalisme sebesar 393 orang (16%), (2) Model Matematika HNR paham radikalisme dalam penelitian ini sudah teruji validasinya setelah disimulasi dengan data lapangan pada populasi mahasiswa STKIP Bima tahun 2019 dengan luaran umum sebagai berikut : bila peluang perpindahan individu dari kelompok netral ke kelompok radikal lebih besar atau sama dengan peluang individu dari kelompok netral ke kelompok sehat maka satu orang berpaham radikalisme dapat menghasilkan empat hingga lima individu baru berpaham radikalisme.
Populist economic development in the era of the Papua Special Autonomy aims to increase community participation in various activities especially in the field of economic development. Dnature of this context, if we want to talk 'prosperity and welfare of indigenous Papuans, we first formulate the proper democratic economy with social and cultural life of indigenous Papuan people. The presence Perdasus No. 18 No. 18 of 2008 on Kerakyataan Based Economy has given a clear formulation of improving the lives of the indigenous people of Papua especially in developing themselves in the micro and macro level.
Di antara sekian banyak argumentasi tentang pentingnya sebuah konstitusi untuk diamandemen adalah karena ia merupakan produk pemikiran dari manusia, makhluk yang bukan hanya memiliki banyak keterbatasan, tetapi juga penuh potensi berbuat salah. Dengan demikian, upaya untuk sensakralkan konstitusi sehingga menutup peluang perubahan, harus ditolak. Namun demikian, karena posisinya yang unik yaitu menjadi hukum tertinggi dalam sebuah negara, tidak boleh juga kemudian upaya untuk mereformasi konstitusi dilakukan secara serampangan tanpa adanya tujuan yang jelas dan persiapan yang matang. Sebab kesalahan dalam mendesain konstitusi akan berpengaruh terhadap baik buruknya tatanan kenegaraan. Artikel ini mengungkapkan bahwa secara faktual, sudah waktunya UUD 1945 untuk dilakukan amandemen ulang karena di dalamnya masih mengandung banyak kekurangan dan kelemahan. Akan tetapi, saat ini bukan merupakan momentum yang tepat untuk melakukan amandemen karena tingginya konflik kepentingan (conflict of interest) antar elit kekuasaan yang hal tersebut dikhawatirkan akan mempengaruhi kwalitas hasil amandemen.Kata Kunci: Amandemen, Konstitusi, dan Konsolidasi Demokrasi.
The formation of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) as a representative body that has an equal position with the House of Representatives (DPR) is designed to accommodate regional interests in decision making at the central level. With this kind of design, the implication will be that there will be a change in the structure of parliament to move towards a bicameral parliamentary structure. However, every country that wants to adopt a representative system of both one chamber and two chambers must consider three sides, namely the function of representative institutions, membership of representative institutions, and the process of establishing laws in representative institutions. In this connection, the duties, functions, and authority of the DPD become an important issue in reviewing the parliamentary structure in force in Indonesia. Whether strengthening the parliamentary structure in the representative system in Indonesia will have implications for the functions owned by the DPD. Through normative juridical research with the legislation and conceptual approach, it is known that strengthening the parliamentary structure must be accompanied by strengthening DPD functions, specifically the legislative function, the budget function, and the supervisory function.
Regional autonomy has given authority to local governments to regulate and manage their own government households. The authority of the regional government in regulating this is realized through regional authority to make legal products called Regional Regulations. This regulation is an operational juridical instrument and controlling instrument for the implementation of regional autonomy. Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Establishment of Legislation Regulations mandates that there are stages that must be passed in forming legislation, namely through the stages of planning, drafting, discussion, ratification or stipulation, and promulgation. This study examines and answers the problems regarding the procedure for establishing Regional Regulations in East Java Province. From the normative aspect, how is the process of establishing a Regional Regulation in East Java Province, and whether its formation is in accordance with the orderly basis of the formation of the Laws and Regulations. This study is a normative juridical study using a statute approach and conceptual approach. The results of the study state that the Establishment of Regional Regulations in the Provinces in East Java is in accordance with the basic order of the establishment of Legislation. There are stages in the formation of the Regional Regulation, which refers to the East Java Provincial Regulation No. 1 of 2015 concerning the Establishment of Regional Legal Products. The stages of establishing a Regional Regulation include: Planning, drafting, discussion, final alignment, stipulation or ratification, enactment, clarification and evaluation; and dissemination.
This research aims to know the Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017. The research method used qualitative method by descriptive analysis. Data obtained through interviews, observation and documentation. Informant of the research, namely the Management and Sympathizers of PKS Takalar and Nasdem Party Takalar, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg. Se're, Regional Election Commission of Takalar Regency.The results showed that the recruitment of PKS in Takalar Election 2017 were: first, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg Se're was promoted by the PKS 4 seats coalition with the National Democratic Party (Nasdem) 2 seats in the regional election. The coalition happened because both parties agreed that the couple is able to bring thoughts or ideas of change in the process of elections battle period of 2017-2022 in Takalar Regency. Secondly, the PKS chose Syamsari Kitta because of his strong ability and strong support-bases in Takalar as well as positive electability with the community. While Ahmad Daeng Sere chose as a candidate for vice regent because he can raise the electability to fight the duet of incumbent. Both have in common with the idea of change to make Takalar much better. Third, the recruitment of Syamsari Kitta as a candidate for regional head / regent because he is a PKS cadre who has experience and capability in politics, his personality is known as an easy person to associate and communicate with the community. The quality of Syamsari Kitta as PKS cadres got positive electoral and militancy support from PKS cadres and other winning teamresearch aims to know the Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017. The research method used qualitative method by descriptive analysis. Data obtained through interviews, observation and documentation. Informant of the research, namely the Management and Sympathizers of PKS Takalar and Nasdem Party Takalar, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg. Se're, Regional Election Commission of Takalar Regency.The results showed that the recruitment of PKS in Takalar Election 2017 were: first, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg Se're was promoted by the PKS 4 seats coalition with the National Democratic Party (Nasdem) 2 seats in the regional election. The coalition happened because both parties agreed that the couple is able to bring thoughts or ideas of change in the process of elections battle period of 2017-2022 in Takalar Regency. Secondly, the PKS chose Syamsari Kitta because of his strong ability and strong support-bases in Takalar as well as positive electability with the community. While Ahmad Daeng Sere chose as a candidate for vice regent because he can raise the electability to fight the duet of incumbent. Both have in common with the idea of change to make Takalar much better. Third, the recruitment of Syamsari Kitta as a candidate for regional head / regent because he is a PKS cadre who has experience and capability in politics, his personality is known as an easy person to associate and communicate with the community. The quality of Syamsari Kitta as PKS cadres got positive electoral and militancy support from PKS cadres and other winning teamThis research aims to know the Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017. The research method used qualitative method by descriptive analysis. Data obtained through interviews, observation and documentation. Informant of the research, namely the Management and Sympathizers of PKS Takalar and Nasdem Party Takalar, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg. Se're, Regional Election Commission of Takalar Regency.The results showed that the recruitment of PKS in Takalar Election 2017 were: first, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg Se're was promoted by the PKS 4 seats coalition with the National Democratic Party (Nasdem) 2 seats in the regional election. The coalition happened because both parties agreed that the couple is able to bring thoughts or ideas of change in the process of elections battle period of 2017-2022 in Takalar Regency. Secondly, the PKS chose Syamsari Kitta because of his strong ability and strong support-bases in Takalar as well as positive electability with the community. While Ahmad Daeng Sere chose as a candidate for vice regent because he can raise the electability to fight the duet of incumbent. Both have in common with the idea of change to make Takalar much better. Third, the recruitment of Syamsari Kitta as a candidate for regional head / regent because he is a PKS cadre who has experience and capability in politics, his personality is known as an easy person to associate and communicate with the community. The quality of Syamsari Kitta as PKS cadres got positive electoral and militancy support from PKS cadres and other winning team
The role of education in post conflict reconstruction has become increasingly important and gained much greater acknowledgment in development studies in recent years. Education is increasingly accepted as an integral part of humanitarian response in emergencies. It can help conflict-affected community and individual to return to normalcy, safeguard the most vulnerable, provide psychosocial care, promote tolerance, unify divided communities, and begin the process of reconstruction and peace building. However, research also suggests that education can encourage intolerance, create or generate inequality, and intensify social tensions that can lead to civil conflict and violence. Education is a key determinant of income, influence, and power. Inequalities in educational access can lead to other inequalities–in income, employment, nutrition and health as well as political position, which can be an important source of conflict. Hence, education has potential to either aggravate the conditions that lead to conflict or to heal them. Nonetheless, the unavoidable conclusions must be that ignoring education, or postponing it, is not an option. This essay attempts to answer question on how post-conflict education be able to contribute to social transformation and sustainable development. It argues that education in general has a key role in both preventing conflict and rebuilding fractured post-conflict societies. Hence it puts forward education as a human development activity and must be undertaken with a development perspective if it is to contribute reversing the damage and to building resilience to prevent further violence conflict.
Abstract: This article study is to understand and analyze the validity of village head elections in the regional autonomy system through a juridical descriptive method with a conceptual approach and a statutory approach. That the validity of the village head election is, (a). the validity of the village head candidate; (b). the validity of the organizers; (c). voter validity; (d). the validity of the pilkades stages; and (e). valid vote. And according to the decision of the State Administration, namely the validity of village head elections must be in accordance with statutory regulations and general principles of good governance, so that the validity of village head elections will become legal in accordance with the principle of legality. If there is a claim from one of the partiesKeywords: Legislation; Election; Village Head; Regional Autonomy.
This article the potential of the Indonesian diaspora as an agent of peace in Malaysia. The Indonesian diaspora in Malaysia, for both Indonesia and Malaysia, is the largest diaspora in Malaysia. Sometimes, the large number of the diaspora in a country can cause problems of prejudice, and concerns that lead to security problems. But on the other hand, the size of the diaspora can also have the opportunity to be an integrative factor that can give birth to peace. Data on the dynamics of the Indonesian diaspora in Malaysia were obtained from primary sources, as well as focus group discussions, interviews, and official data from the government.This article finds that a large number of Indonesian diaspora and the establishment of mutualistic relationships at the government and government levels, as well as at the community and community level over a long period of time, contributes to the high role of the Indonesian diaspora in building social cohesion and peace in Malaysia.
Tidak seperti perkawinan campuran beda kewarganegaraan, perkawinan beda agama ternyata masih belum diatur secara jelas dan tegas dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2019 Tentang Perubahan atas Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 Tentang Perkawinan. Kondisi pengaturan yang demikian, berpotensi melanjutkan perdebatan panjang tak pernah usai sepanjang dinamika politik hukum perkawinan di Indonesia. Bahkan hingga saat ini, berbagai hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perkawinan beda agama masih terjadi dalam berbagai bentuk praktiknya di Indonesia dengan memanfaatkan celah-celah hukum dan banyaknya interpretasi tentang boleh tidaknya perkawinan beda agama. Atikel ini ditulis dalam rangka mengkaji persoalan perkawinan beda agama yang berbasis nilai-nilai Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) yang menjamin kepastian hukum, yaitu terpenuhinya hak moral dan hak legal yang menjunjung tinggi martabat kemanusiaan berdasarkan Pancasila dan Konstitusi Negara Indonesia.
The slow growth in harvested area and production of food crops ( rice, corn and soybeans ) have an impact on the occurrence of lack of food supply , especially rice . This deficiency is imported from outside the region which will also affect the economy's income Riau province mainly of income from the agricultural sector . This article examines the growth of food crops and its contribution to the economy in the province of Riau The analytical method used is descriptive and quantitative approach to literature reviews, and search was secondary data .The results show that the GDP growth and the contribution of the food crops sub-sector is still small relative to the economy of the province of Riau . to maintain the availability of foodstuffs , especially rice governments should make efforts to increase the area of land and increased productivity
Masalah pertanahan muncul, ketika kewenangan (hak mengusai negara) diperhadapkan dengan hak warga negara, khususnya hak milik Individu dan hak komunal yang memiliki kewenangan tunggal yang sangat besar untuk mengelelola, pembagian , penguasaan, pemanfaatan dan peruntukan tanah harus berhadapan dengan hak asasi yang melekat pada diri rakyatnya sendiri. Pengakuan kepemilikan tanah yang dikonkritkan dengan sertifikat sejak lama terjadi pada zaman sebelum kemerdekaan Demikian juga di negara lainnya seperti Inggris, sertifikat merupakan pengakuan hak-hak atas tanah seseorang yang diatur dalam Undang·Undang Pendaftaran Tanah (Land Registrations Act 1925). Di Indonesia, sertifikat hak-hak atas tanah berlaku sebagai alat bukti yang kuat sebagaimana ditegaskan dalam Pasal 19 ayat (1 dan 2) Sertifikat merupakan surat tanda bukti hak yang berlaku sebagai alat pembuktian yang kuat mengenai data fisik dan data Yuridis yang termuat didalamnya, sepanjang data fisik dan data yuridis tersebut sesuai dengan data yang ada dalam surat ukur dan buku tanah yang bersangkutan. Mengenai kekuatan hukum dalam status hak milik atas tanah, diperkuat dan ditegaskan dalam pasal 20 UUP, dinyatakan : Hak milik adalah turun temurun, terkuat dan terpenuhi yang dapat dipunyai orang atas tanah, dengan mengingat ketentuan pasal 6 Hak milik dapat beralih dan dialihkan kepada pihak lain. Berbagai kebijakan yang dikeluarkan seringkali merugikan rakyat yang merupakan titik awal perebutan dalam sumber daya tanah. Mengetahui dan menyadari beberapa kebijakan yang tidak berpihak kepada rakyat , maka pemerintah melalui PP No. 36 Tahun 1998 tentang Penertiban dan Pendayagunaan Tanah Terlantar, Dalam Pasal 1 Point 5 PP No. 36 tahun 1998, disebutkan bahwa "Tanah terlantar adalah tanah yang diterlantarkan oleh pemegang hak atas tanah" Kemudian dalam Pasal 3 ditegaskan kembali perihal tanah hak (Hak Milik, HGU,dan HGB serta Hak Pakai) dapat dinyatakan sebagai tanah terlantar apabila tanah tersebut dengan sengaja tidak dipergunakan oleh pemegang haknya atau tidak dipelihara secara baik. Pasal ini mengulang bunyi pasal 27 UUPA. Perjalanan PP Nomor. 36 Tahun 1998, belum memberikan dampak terhadap penertiban dan pendayagunaan tanah terlantar, sehingga pada akhirnya dibuat produk hukum terbaru berbentuk Peraturan Pemerintah, yaitu melalui Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor. 11 Tahun 2010, Tentang Penertiban dan Pendayagunaan Tanah terlantar, yang ditindak lanjuti dengan keputusan kepala Badan. Didalam PP Nomor. 11 tahun 2010 ini tidak ada salah satu pasalpun yang menyebutkan batasan tanah terlantar termasuk Pada Status Hak Milik, Hal ini merupakan sebuah kerancuan dimana Status Hak milim berdasarkan pasal 20 UUPA yang menyatakan status Hak milik adalah kuat tetapi dilain pihak dengan kondisi diterlantarkan dapat dibatalkan dengan sebuah Peraturan pemerintah yang setiungkat lebih rendah dari UUPA. Dasar pembentukan UUPA, ini adalah mengacu kepada Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD 1945, mengatakan "Bumi dan air dan kekayaan alam yang terkandung di dalamnya dikuasai oleh Negara dan dipergunakan untuk sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat" dalam Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD 1945 terdapat dua kata yang menentukan, yaitu perkataan "dikuasai" dan "dipergunakan". Perkataan "dikuasai" sebagai dasar wewenang Negara, Negara adalah badan hukum publik yang dapat mempunyai hak dan kewajiban seperti manusia biasa. Persoalan yang dapat dikemukakan adalah apakah dasar alasan sehingga Negara diberi kewenangan untuk menguasai tanah, sementara perkataan "dipergunakan" mengandung suatu perintah kepada Negara untuk menggunakan bagi sebesar-besamya kemakmuran rakyat, penguasaan atas tanah oleh Negara, diartikan sebagai pemberi wewenang kepada Negara sebagai organisasi kekuasaan rakyat Indonesia. Konsekuensinya, Negara berhak campur tangan disektor agraria, sehingga hak atas tanah tidak terlepas dari hak menguasai Negara. Demi kepentingan nasional misalnya, Negara dapat mengendalikannya, Prof. Dr. Yusriadi Sebagai tindak lanjut dari pasal tersebut, berkenaan dengan tanah terlantar dan dilihat secara filosofis "tanah terlantar" sangat bertentangan dengan asas yang menentukan bahwa tanah merupakan asset atau modal, bahkan tanah merupakan sumber kehidupan manusia yang tidak akan habis, tanah berfungsi untuk mensejahterakan kehidupan manusia, sehingga tanah harus digunakan untuk meningkatkan kemakmuran rakyat, oleh sebab itu mengabaikan kewajiban menggunakan, mengelola dengan benar dalam hal ini sesuai dengan haknya merupakan tindakan pelanggaran terhadap fungsi sosial dan pengingkaran filosofis tanah Kesadaran akan kedudukan istimewa tanah dalam alam pikiran bangsa Indonesia juga terungkap dalam UUPA yang menyatakan adanya hubungan abadi antara bangsa Indonesia dengan tanah, namun kata "dikuasai" Pasal 33 UUD 1945 tidak menunjukan Negara adalah pemiliknya, Hal ini dapat dilihat dalam penjelasan umum, dinyatakan bahwa Negara (pemerintah) hanya menguasai tanah. Pengertian tanah "dikuasai" seperti tersebut diatas bukan berarti memiliki, tetapi kewenangan tertentu yang diberikan kepada Negara sebagai organisasi kekuasaan, Hal ini dirumuskan dalam Pasal 2 ayat (2) UUPA Hak adalah kepentingan yang dilindungi oleh hukum, sedangkan kepentingan adalah tuntutan perorangan atau kelompok yang diharapkan untuk dipenuhi. Kepentingan pada hakikatnya mengandung kejelasaan yang dilindungi oleh hukum dalam melaksanakannya. Dengan demikian, apa yang dinamakan hak itu sah apabila dilindungi oleh sistem hukum.[1] Pemegang hak melaksanakan kehendak menurut cara tertentu dan kehendaknya itu diarahkan untuk memuaskan. Pada bagian lain, Sudikno Mertokusumo menyatakan bahwa, hak merupakan hubungan hukum antara subjek hak déngan objek hak, karéna hubungan tersebut memperoleh perlindungan hokum Kemerdekaan Negara Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Agustus tahun 1945, merupakan batas akhir berlakunya tata hukum, yang oleh Prof. Dr. Ahmad Sanusi, SH., mengatakan bahwa Hukum yang berlaku sekarang di sini ia menerangkan seluruh hukum dari berbagai cabangnya yang kini berlaku di Indonesia, dan yang berlakunya baik itu atas semua orang, maupun atas golongan-golongan penduduk tertentu.[1] artinya beralihnya tata hukum Kolonial kepada tata hukum Indonesia, tetapi untuk proses pembentukan hukum sebagai pengganti hukum Kolonial, tidak secepat apa yang diharapkan, karena proses pembentukan hukum yang menjadi tata hukum tidak semudah apa yang dipikirkan, oleh karena itu Melalui Peraturan Peralihan Pasal II, UUD Tahun 1945, "Semua lembaga Negara yang ada masih tetap berfungsi sepanjang untuk melaksanakan ketentuan Undang-Undang Dasar dan belum diadakan yang baru menurut undang-undang ini" memahami hal tersebut dengan maksud mengisi kekosongan hukum, seperti disebutkan Pasal II Aturan Peralihan. Dengan demikian atas dasar tersebut, produk hukum lama masih tetap diberlakukan sepanjang tidak bertentangan dengan Falsafah bangsa yaitu Pancasila dan UUD tahun 1945. Pada era inilah terjadi perubahan politik agraria nasional. Pemerintah sekarang tidak lagi berangkat dari paradigma UUPA, akan tetapi memaknai paradigma UUPA yang neo populis tersebut yang menyatakan bahwa "tanah itu digunakan untuk pemenuhan kebutuhan rakyat", dengan paradigma "Sumber-sumber agraria adalah komoditas". Tanah dalam hal ini telah dirubah dari memiliki karakter sosial, menjadi masuk dalam skema pasar tanah Keyword : Peraturan yang lebih rendah tingkatannya
One of the advantages of the presidential system is the president's authority to appoint ministers without the intervention of others. The President's authority has been confirmed in Article 17 paragraph (4) of the Constitution 1945 which states that the President appoints and dismisses ministers. This regulation is also emphasized by the existence of Law Number 39 of 2008 concerning the Ministry of the State which states that ministers are assistants to the president in leading Ministry. The State Ministry Law does not set limits on how persons can be elected by the president to become ministers, whether from political parties, professionals, academics, practitioners; it is all purely the authority of the president. Limitations on ministerial candidates are only regulated in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 79/PUU-IX/2011asserting that the positions of ministers and ministries may not be sold as a political gift to a person or a group. On that basis, the question regarding what legal principles in the state administrative law can be referred to by the president in forming a competent cabinet is raised. With normative-juridical methods, the purpose of this paper is to find out the principles in state administrative law in the implementation of government, especially in cabinet elections. The results of the study show that the principle of the orderly administration of the state must serve as a reference in the implementation of government, especially in cabinet elections. This principle involves the basis of order, harmony, and balance in state control and administration. Besides, the ministers appointed by the president must avoid and be aware of the occurrence of maladministration that leads to liability personal, not job responsibilities. To strengthen the principle of orderly state administration, The Ministry of State must include this principle in one of its articles.
AbstractThis study talk about analysis law political recommendations ombudsman that is not legally binding. Where in in law on Indonesian Ombudsman, this institution given the authority to made a mediation, reconciliation, and adjudication in decide maladministration. In terms of dispute resolution public service through adjudication ombudsman, ruling issued only to recommendations. The problem is how the power of these recommendations, for ombudsman is not institutions a court or forum court like the arbitration. The research is research law that is prescriptive with the approach the act and approach conceptual. Technique collection material law through the literature study and techniques analysis material law by using the method deduction. The results of this writing concluded to a weakness and lack of harmony between rules.Keywords: Legal politic; non-legally binding; recommendation of Indonesia Ombudsma; public service.AbstrakTulisan ini membahas tentang analisis politik hukum rekomendasi Ombudsman Republik Indonesia yang bersifat tidak mengikat secara hukum (Non-Legally Binding). Di mana di dalam UU No. 37 Tahun 2008 tentang Ombudsman Republik Indonesia, institusi ini diberikan wewenang untuk melakukan mediasi, rekonsiliasi, dan ajudikasi dalam menyelesaikan perkara maladministrasi. Dalam hal penyelesaian sengketa pelayanan publik melalui ajudikasi Ombudsman, putusan yang dikeluarkan hanyalah sebatas rekomendasi. Persoalannya adalah bagaimanakah kekuatan rekomendasi ini, sebab Ombudsman bukanlah lembaga pengadilan atau forum pengadilan seperti halnya arbitrase. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum yang bersifat preskriptif dengan pendekatan undang-undang dan pendekatan konseptual. Teknik pengumpulan bahan hukum melalui studi pustaka dan teknik analisis bahan hukum dengan menggunakan metode deduksi. Hasil tulisan ini menyimpulkan adanya kelemahan dan ketidakharmonisan antara peraturan perundang-undangan antara, UU Pelayanan Publik, UU Ombudsman Republik Indonesia, dan Peraturan Ombudsman Republik Indonesia.Kata Kunci: politik hukum;non-legally binding;rekomendasi Ombudsman Republik Indonesia;pelayanan publik.
