The 'Paradox' of Tuzla City: Explaining Non-nationalist Local Politics during the Bosnian War
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 63, Heft 2, S. 229-261
ISSN: 1465-3427
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In: Europe Asia studies, Band 63, Heft 2, S. 229-261
ISSN: 1465-3427
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 63, Heft 2, S. 229-261
ISSN: 0966-8136
World Affairs Online
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 569-588
ISSN: 1465-3923
AbstractThe Macedonia name dispute was resolved in 2018 with the signing of the Prespa Agreement. Ambassador Nimetz – one of the key players in the solution efforts – queried recently "Why did it take us so long?", echoing the confusion of foreign observers about what has routinely been seen as an incomprehensible spat. This article provides more context about the past intractability of the dispute by focusing on the role of Greek public opinion. Taking stock of the literature on the relationship between foreign policy-making and public opinion, our analysis identifies key parameters for investigating the influence of Greek public opinion on policy. We test these parameters against empirical data from a comprehensive poll on the name dispute that was conducted in 2016, only a few months before the start of the negotiations that led to the Prespa Agreement. Our analysis demonstrates the extent and depth of the Greek public's opposition to any compromise, as well as the emotional involvement in the Macedonia name dispute. The findings have implications for our understanding of the process that led to the settlement of the dispute as well as the challenges of implementing the agreement.
In: Southeastern Europe: L' Europe du sud-est, Band 38, Heft 2-3, S. 171-212
ISSN: 1876-3332
This article examines the 2010 general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in view of the upcoming 2014 elections. The authors argue that analyses of Bosnian elections need to take into account the realignment of the Bosnian party system during the second half of the 2000s. Through an analysis of the 2010 election results, the constants and the shifts in Bosnian electoral behavior are detected and employed along with the governmental record of the recent years to propose what the stakes of the upcoming elections might be.
In: UNISCI Discussion Papers, Heft 18, S. 21-58
In: New Perspectives on South-East Europe
In: Springer eBooks
In: Political Science and International Studies
1. Kosovo, EU Members and the Engagement-Recognition Nexus (James Ker-Lindsay and Ioannis Armakolas) -- 2. Kosovo's Strategy of Recognition and Engagement (Agon Demjaha) -- 3. The United Kingdom: Kosovo's Strongest Supporter in Europe (James Ker-Lindsay) -- 4. Germany: From Cautious Recogniser to Kosovo's EU Ally (Julia Himmrich) -- 5. The Czech Republic: Kosovo's Reluctant and Disengaged Recogniser (Tomáš Dopita) -- 6. Poland: Recognition, but No Diplomatic Relations with Kosovo (Jarosław Wiśniewski) -- 7. Greece: Kosovo's Most Engaged Non-Recogniser (Ioannis Armakolas) -- 8. Slovakia: Diplomatically Engaged with Kosovo, But No Recognition (Milan Nič) -- 9. Romania: Kosovo's Cautious Non-Recogniser (Paul Ivan) -- 10. Cyprus: Firmly Committed to the Non-Recognition of Kosovo (Isabelle Ioannides) -- 11 Spain: Kosovo's Strongest Opponent in Europe (Ruth Ferrero-Turrión)
In: The Southeast Europe and Black Sea series
In: Ioannis Armakolas, Agon Demjaha, Arolda Elbasani, Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, Elton Skendaj and Nikolaos Tzifakis (2017). (eds), State-Building in Post-Independence Kosovo: Policy Challenges and Societal Considerations, Pristina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society, pp. 423.
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