Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Since the end of the 1970s, a widespread belief in the economic, social and political benefits of the " information society " encouraged many countries, including China, to invest massively in the development of telecommunications. Nowadays the internet has become an essential part of daily life for almost half of the world's – and China's – population. It has become a key facilitator in maintaining social networks, finding a job, using public services, accessing useful information, or simply enjoying popular entertainment. Because it is so ubiquitous, there is now a sense that not having access to the internet is a form of exclusion, and some even wonder whether internet access may be considered a human right. While there is consensus on the general idea that the internet bears a character of public interest, there is much less convergence on the particular implications of this idea. As half of the world's population still does not have internet access, the idea that access is a right is quite problematic, as well as the question of who should bear the costs of universal access, and how to rebalance the uneven distribution of infrastructure, technology, contents and digital literacy. How to regulate activities online is also a matter of controversy, as economic and political interests diverge, as well as normative preferences. This is further complicated by the great number of layers that the internet is composed of, and therefore the great number of actors implicated in making and managing it. In this chapter I will describe the main components of global internet governance, and highlight some of the questions it raises in terms of global public interest. I will then discuss the increasingly important role China has played in this framework so far and highlight how the Chinese case points to democratic cracks in the current internet governance system.

Cet article retrace les doctrines formulées par les autorités sur l'opinion publique en ligne de la fin des années 1990 à aujourd'hui. À travers elles, se dessine le pari, pris par l'administration Hu, que cette opinion publique, canalisée, puisse être mise au service d'un mode de gouvernement technocratique, et instrumentalisée dans la mise au pas d'un appareil politico-administratif difficile à maîtriser. Dans une période plus récente, le traitement de l'opinion publique s'inscrit dans un contexte de concentration des pouvoirs autour de la personne de Xi Jinping, où la censure est revendiquée par le pouvoir, avec un retour à une conception plus conservatrice du rapport aux médias.

International audience ; Cet article retrace les doctrines formulées par les autorités sur l'opinion publique en ligne de la fin des années 1990 à aujourd'hui. À travers elles, se dessine le pari, pris par l'administration Hu, que cette opinion publique, canali-sée, puisse être mise au service d'un mode de gouvernement technocratique, et instrumentalisée dans la mise au pas d'un appareil politico-administratif difficile à maîtriser. Dans une période plus récente, le traitement de l'opinion publique s'inscrit dans un contexte de concentration des pouvoirs autour de la personne de Xi Jinping, où la censure est revendiquée par le pouvoir, avec un retour à une conception plus conservatrice du rapport aux médias.

This article explores the apparently ambivalent foundations of the notion of cybersovereignty as seen from China, through some of the most recent Chinese academic literature on global Internet governance. It shows that the sampled authors conceive of the current Internet order as an anarchic or disorderly space where global hegemons reproduce their domination over the world in the digital age. In the rather dichotomous world that this portrays, most of the authors concentrate their attention on the position and strategy of the United States, with a view to underlining the contradictions in American discourse through the PRISM scandal or the status of ICANN. In this context, most scholars studied here see the current situation, where Internet governance is increasingly debated, as an opportunity to rebalance the global Internet order and advance the strategic interests of China through the establishment of an intergovernmental Internet governance framework in the long term, and through active participation in the current status quo in the short term. (China Perspect/GIGA)