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What explains the cross-national variation in the radical right's electoral success over the last several decades? Challenging existing structural and institutional accounts, this book analyzes the dynamics of party building and explores the attitudes, skills and experiences of radical right activists in eleven different countries. Based on extensive field research and an original data set of radical right candidates for office, David Art links the quality of radical right activists to broader patterns of success and failure. He demonstrates how a combination of historical legacies and incentive structures produced activists who helped party building in some cases and doomed it in others. In an age of rising electoral volatility and the fading of traditional political cleavages, Inside the Radical Right makes a strong case for the importance of party leaders and activists as masters of their own fate

"This book argues that Germans and Austrians have dealt with the Nazi past very differently and that these differences have had important consequences for political culture and partisan politics in the two countries. Drawing on different literatures in political science, David Art builds a framework for understanding how public deliberation transforms the political environment in which it occurs. The book analyzes how public debates about the "lessons of history" created a culture of contrition in Germany that prevented a resurgent far right from consolidating itself in German politics after unification. By contrast, public debates in Austria nourished a culture of victimization that provided a hospitable environment for the rise of right-wing populism

The "rise of global populism" has become a primary metanarrative for the previous decade in advanced industrial democracies, but I argue that it is a deeply misleading one. Nativism—not populism—is the defining feature of both radical right parties in Western Europe and of radical right politicians like Donald Trump in the United States. The tide of "left-wing populism" in Europe receded quickly, as did its promise of returning power to the people through online voting and policy deliberation. The erosion of democracy in states like Hungary has not been the result of populism, but rather of the deliberate practice of competitive authoritarianism. Calling these disparate phenomena "populist" obscures their core features and mistakenly attaches normatively redeeming qualities to nativists and authoritarians.

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) made history by winning 12.6
percent of the vote and capturing ninety-four seats in the Bundestag in the
federal elections of 2017. This article asks whether the AfD's rise threatens to
undermine the strategy of containment that contributed to the demise of previous
incarnations of the radical right. It argues that the current strength of
the AfD is a direct result of Angela Merkel's decisions to rescue the Eurozone
and to welcome over one million refugees since the fall of 2015. While the
AfD is still likely to suffer a collapse similar to other radical right parties, its
consolidation or strengthening would have major consequences for Germany
and for Europe.

Xenophobic nationalists have entered Germany's federal parliament and Austria's ruling coalition. Will the far right shed its pariah status or will it succumb to infighting as it has in the past?

ObjectiveTo analyze the theoretical and political stakes involved in researching authoritarian regimes.MethodA meta‐analysis of recent books and articles on authoritarianism, including the articles in this special volume.ResultsThe prevailing research methods set unrealistic standards for analyses of authoritarianism, with serious consequences for theory building and American foreign policy.ConclusionThe old rules of fieldwork still apply, and scholars are well advised to develop tactics and "work‐arounds" to meet the inherent challenge of discovering useful knowledge about authoritarian regimes. Historical cases of authoritarianism also provide an underused resource for theory development and testing.

If Europe continues to pull itself back from the brink of financial calamity and political instability, historians will write books not about how the radical right destroyed the European project but how elected officials checked populist influences and found a way to muddle through.