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In the interwar period, France was seen as the main military and diplomatic ally of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS), later Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and the defender of the fragile Versailles Peace Treaty. This relationship resulted in a clear French influence in the realm of art and culture in Yugoslavia. Moreover, the triumph of the French cultural influence was also interpreted in the light of the simmering conflict between Serbian and Croat elites in Yugoslavia, as Serbian intellectuals traditionally gravitated toward Paris and France, unlike the Croat (and Slovene) ones, which had been part of the Central European and Austro-Hungarian cultural sphere. This article analyzes the French cultural influence through the musical activities of the Cvijeta Zuzorić Association of Friends of Art. The organization was established to promote modern art and the endeavors of young artists. It was firmly latched onto various mechanisms of state support, and participated in promoting the dominant ideology of the Karađorđević royal dynasty. The paper follows the association's musical activates through its three phases: the initial period, marked by annual artistic soirées, the middle period and the activities of the Narodni konzervatorijum (National Conservatory), which included weekly concerts of varying quality, and the final period of open music competitions. The article maps a clear picture of French artistic influences, which notably included open modeling of certain commissioned and awarded compositions on famous French pieces.

When speaking of democracy, the language of Jacques Rancière becomes strangely physical. "Real democracy", states Rancière in his paper delivered in 1986, "would presuppose that the demos be constituted as a subject present to itself across the whole surface of the social body". In other words, Rancière links life in democracy to the existence of the political subject (in its strong sense) and to its "presence to itself", to its possibility to appear as materially immanent to itself in the reality of the social space. In this paper I explore the urban sonic ecologies of Belgrade in order to answer a question if there is a potential in the everyday embodied existence for establishing vita democratica. Starting off with critical analysis of postmodern philosophy of immanence, I try to resituate subject as an actor in the everyday. Not only is this subject a "rare" rupture in the fabric of language-body (as in Alain Badiou's writings), but it would also be "unstable", intuitive (in Bergsonian sense) and carnal. I then analyse how hegemonic discourses of capitalism-nationalism establish themselves through the means of urban soundscape in Belgrade and discuss two events where I locate these ruptures of subjectivity on the plain of immanence which have the potential not only to destabilize the social machine of captivation, but also to transform the body of the individual into a thinking agent which acts as a political subject.

As a former imperial capital, Vienna has attracted immigrants throughout the second half of the 20th century, providing not only a space of life, but also a space where various cultural organizations could be established. Throughout the Cold War, its role as a gate towards the West additionally contributed to its urban melting pot environment. One of the important phenomena in Viennese immigrant history are guest workers (Gastarbeiter) coming from bordering socialist Yugoslavia. In 2016 the 50th anniversary of the contract between the Republic of Austria and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia regulating voluntary migration of Yugoslav workers, was marked by an exhibition entitled Ajnhajtclub and held in frei__raum Q21 exhibition space in Museumsquartier in Vienna. Curated by Bogomir Doringer, exhibition presented an array of artistic installations which problematized the status of Yugoslav guest workers in Austrian capital and their (guest) culture. Importantly, an integral part of the exhibition was also the official opening, which featured a performance of Hor 29. Novembar, an amateur selforganized choir initially founded as a choir of Yugoslav guest workers in Vienna with a pronounced left and inclusive political platform. Following Bojana Kunst's essay on the "artist at work" (2015), in this paper I will analyze this exhibition, particularly focusing on the preparatory stage and rehearsals of the opening performance of the choir and their interaction with the "art in making". I will show how the idea of "inclusion" dissipated through the process of the "staging" of the performance engulfed with bureaucratic issues and artistic pretensions, but also through the permeative presence of social and symbolic borders which are part and parcel of the Yugoslav community itself. I will particularly emphasize the choir's own self-reflectivity of this political situation and their struggle to use their position as "amateurs at work" in order to act political subjects and escape the "proximity of art and capitalism", which Kunst convincingly traces in her study. ; Conference Description: The empires that once defined the political geography of Europe are no more. One cannot meet a Prussian, Romanov, Habsburg, or Ottoman today; these dusty categories of affiliation have ceded to myriad national identities. Yet it would be mistaken to assume that Europe's bygone empires have become mere relics of history. Imperial pasts continue to inspire nostalgia, identification, pride, anxiety, skepticism, and disdain in the present. The afterlives of empires as objects of memory exceed historical knowledge, precisely because these afterlives shape and recast the present and the future. Simultaneously, present-and future-oriented imperatives accentuate imperial pasts in selective ways, yielding new configurations of post-imperial amnesia as well as memory. Our conference brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars working on post-imperial legacies in relation to a variety of specific cities, including Vienna, Istanbul, Budapest, Sarajevo, Trieste, Thessaloniki, Zagreb, and Belgrade. Our contributors pursue the politics and cultures of memory in relation to two general, interrelated questions: What are the effects of imperial legacies on contemporary cities? and, How do present-day urban processes reshape the forms of post-imperial memory and forgetting?

In this paper I address the commemorative practices of the Belgrade feminist and anti-war group Women in Black (Zene u crnom) from the perspective of urban soundscape studies and a Rancierian analysis of the political. Established as a part of the international movement, the group rose to prominence during the early 1990s, uncompromisingly confronting the belligerent politics and rampant violent nationalism of the Milosevic regime. Women in Black adopt silent vigils as the main form of their protests and they regularly engage with performance art as a strategy of gaining greater visibility in the public space. I will analyse the protests held by Women in Black which took place in Belgrade in 2014 and 20] 5, focusing on their commemoration of the Srebrenica genocide. I will argue that by producing a space of silence, these interventions offer a rupture in the fabric of the neoliberal sonic phantasmagoria and open the possibility of the political, understood in Jacques Ranciere's sense. However, I will also discuss the seemingly "non-violent" approach taken by the forces of the police, arguing that this in itself represents a form of violence, curbing the circumference and the visibility of the vigils. ; Međunarodna konferencija: Transpositions: Music/Image / XIII International Conference of the Department of Musicology, Faculty of Music, University of Arts in Belgrade, Belgrade, 12-15 October 2016.

For decades, songs by the Yugoslav Partisans and masses have been something of an ostracised topic in musicology and ethnomusicology. Even before the break-up of socialist Yugoslavia, a tide of laudatory essays praising the role of these songs in the liberation and rebuilding of the country was largely ignored by scholars, as neither their historical impact nor aesthetic value were deemed worthy of thorough scholarly treatment. And once new national borders were eventually imposed on the Yugoslav space, and new parochial agendas were introduced in the humanities of the new countries, a renewal of the scholarly interest in the Partisan songs seemed almost impossible. However, Ana Hofman's book Novi život partizanskih pesama (The New Life of the Partisan Songs), which was just published by the renowned Belgrade publishing house Biblioteka XX vek, proves not only that the Partisan songs are a viable research topic but also that it is possible to swim against the mainstream and actually pursue the topic. The book itself comes from Hofman's ethnographic research in the practices of post-Yugoslav self-organised choirs from Skopje, Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana, Pula, Vienna and elsewhere. The book published in Serbian is largely based on Hofman's Slovenian book Glasba, politika, afekt: Novo življenje partizanskih pesmi v Sloveniji (Music, Politics, Affect: The New Life of the Partisan Songs in Slovenia), which appeared in 2015 with the publishing house of the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts and focuses on the Ljubljana-based self-organised choir Kombinat. However, through the prism of this case study Hofman manages not only to speak about the importance of reviving the repertoire of the Partisan songs in the ex-Yugoslav space but also to address wider questions of the politics of empathy in the conditions of neoliberal capitalism.

In this chapter I address the ways in which popular music genres have been recycled in the Serbian post-socialist political landscape. Specifically, I analyse how Western-styled music production was relocated, both spatially and temporally, from being a vehicle of purported 'freedom of expression' in socialist Yugoslavia, to operating as a mechanism of Serbian banal nationalism. During the 1990s, Serbian nationalism emerged as an antagonistic force playing a crucial and dominant role in the violent breakup of Yugoslavia and aiming to retain control of vast swathes of land which were (in Serbian nationalistic discourse) perceived as parts of Serbian national territory. The aggressiveness of Serbian nationalism was reflected in various popular music genres, not least in the infamous turbo-folk. Thus, it is important to trace the mechanisms whereby certain products of popular music, through processes of spatiotemporal relocation, were employed in order to banalise the 'hot' Serbian nationalism, and represent it in a different, Westernised light. I will show how the pop and rock music became engrafted into seemingly innocuous representations of Serbian patriotism, or 'civic nationalism', through widely accepted practices which were even perceived as 'above the political' in the everyday jargon.

In the following I will discuss symphonic poem Beograd (»Belgrade«) composed by Serbian author Dragutin Gostuški in 1951, and afterwards used for аmusical »documentary television film« in 1969, in the context of the processes of building new representations of the state territory of socialist Yugoslavia. I will firstly discuss the particular political and social issues of territorial trans-formation in the early socialist Yugoslavia, reflecting on the theoretical issues of nation-state territorial authority and space representations. I will then specifically point out how the new territorial narratives of partisan warfare and rebuilding and development featured in the most poignant and all-pervading musical genre of the time, the mass song. Analysing Gostuški's symphonic poem, I will show how the topoi established in the mass songs penetrated his symphonic idiom, positioning this work as a part and parcel of the representations of space in the socialist Yugoslavia. Finally, referring to the two versions of the ›script‹ for the documentary film from 1969, I will discuss how the cult of labour and the rising cult of enjoyment were portrayed as parallel to the narrative of partisan warfare and positioned as a part of lived experience of the new socialist urban utopia.

Taking an open competition for new symphonic composition organized in Belgrade in 1934–1935 as the focus of my enquiry, I wish to investigate complex questions of institutional networks, critical discourse on music and interpersonal relationships that shaped production and reception of symphonic music in the interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The competition was organized by Society of Friends of Art Cvijeta Zuzorić with an ostensible aim of promoting modern art and supporting young artists' endeavours. I will argue that during the 1930s Cvijeta Zuzorić society engaged in promoting "primordial modernism" as the new model of art production, which was in accordance with the current state politics in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In order to do so, I will firstly define primordial modernism as the paradigm of artistic production in the interwar Yugoslavia, reflecting both on state cultural politics and on artistic and critical discourse. I will then show how this paradigm permeated the politics of Society of Friends of Art Cvijeta Zuzorić, which was firmly latched onto various mechanisms of state support and which participated in promoting the dominant state ideology. I will show how the open competition for new symphonic work presented an opportunity both to strengthen the influence of Cvijeta Zuzorić society and to widen its reach in promulgating the new artistic paradigm of primordial modernism. Finally, I will discuss the outcome of the competition, scrutinizing the interpersonal relationships of the actors involved and illuminating the processes of organization and decision-making. Discerning the network of micro-power that was shaping symphonic scene in the interwar Yugoslavia, it will be possible to show why the original ideas of the open competition were very hard to implement in the Belgrade music scene.

In this paper I will examine the early activities of the Srpsko akademsko pjevačko društvo Balkan (Serbian Academic Choral Society 'Balkan'), from its foundation in 1904 to the outbreak of World War I, in the light of issues of nation and 'homeland'. As a Serbian music society active in the Croatian capital, the Choral Society Balkan was in the midst of contested issues of national identities and territories, shaped by the virulent political stage in which interests of the Dual Monarchy, Hungarian kingdom, Croatian administration, and Serbian community collided. I will show how the activities of the Choral Society reflected the new policy adopted by the leading Serbian party in Croatia, the Srpska samostalna stranka (Serbian Independent Party), including their modernist, political understanding of a nation. From the aspects of mobility and space representations, I will argue that the Choral Society Balkan's tours were particularly important, given their extent and intensity, in producing the sense of shared 'homeland' and national collective in the Serbian community in Croatia under Austria-Hungary. I will discuss the experience of travel from the vantage point of the Choral Society's members, as well as the representations of their travels, the reports and travelogues published in contemporary journals. With this discussion I will attempt to approach the issues of nation and 'homeland' as performative assemblages dependant on creating communities of shared affective ecologies.

The genre of the mass song is one of the fundamental phenomena in aesthetics and practice of socialist realism. Mass songs are supposed not only to be accessible to the lay audience, but also to be composed in a way that invites the participation of amateurs. Importantly, the institutions which have been disseminating the mass song under state socialism, such as various institutions of education, culture and art, have also served as mechanisms for the normalization of its ideological content. This article summarizes important aspects of the concept of the mass song in general and offers a multifaceted exemplification, before proceeding to discuss the history of mass songs in socialist Yugoslavia (including, by and large, what is usually referred to as partisan songs), with emphasis on the institutional framework through which they were practiced and disseminated, and on specificities that the genre had accrued within the Yugoslav framework. This historical framework of practicing mass songs in Yugoslavia provides a platform for opening the question of intrinsic incompatibility between the project of a classless society and the institution of art. In regards to this, article discusses contemporary practice of Yugoslav mass songs as practiced by self-organized choirs and their new political potential.

By positioning Mokranjac's garlands from Kosovo and Macedonia into the context of travelogues from 'Old Serbia', I will argue that their political significance lay in purported adherence to folklore material. Analyzing how Mokranjac handled the folk-songs I will show how he produced an image of Serbian homeland as an organic whole. ; Z umeščanjem Mokranjačevih venčkov iz Kosova in Makedonije v kontekst poročila o potovanju iz »Stare Srbije« se ne morem strinjati, da bi se njihova politična pomembnost skrivala v vsebinski privrženosti folklornem gradivu. Z analizo načina Mokranjačevega obravnavanja ljudskih pesmi bom pokazal, kako je ustvaril podobo domovine Srbije kot organske celote.

In this article I explore the sonic and music practices in the experience of the NATO bombing of Belgrade, focusing particularly on their role in the governmental apparatuses both of the NATO forces and of Milošević's regime. Drawing on aff ect studies, I discuss sound and music not only as text, but as sheer intensity, as a vibrational body and force. I argue that the sonic element of the experience of NATO bombing proved important as it provided the surface area, the somatic layer of the war machine, on which the apparatuses of governance could operate and eff ectuate the production of meaning.

In this paper I strive to illuminate the connections between the ideology of Yugoslav nationalism and the discourse on music and music production in the interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In order to comprehend the traits that are germane to the aforementioned practices, I propose the notion of primordial modernism. Primordialism was a crucial standpoint for vindicating the existence of a united Yugoslav nation, which was to enclose the 'tribes of different histories, religions and even languages. A concern to be modern was also pertinent, as a part of the endeavour to produce a semblance of Yugoslavia as a modern, progressive European state. The paradigm of primordial modernism compromises these distinct tendencies, presupposing that a musical work should be ostensibly modern, but, at the same time, that it should use folk material in a manner that reveals the existence of its deeper, psychological, primitive, prehistoric layers. ; U ovom radu pokušavam da rasvetlim veze između ideologije jugoslovenskog nacionalizma i diskursa o muzici i muzičke produkcije u međuratnoj Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Kako bismo bolje razumeli ove veze predlažem uvođenje termina primordijalni modernizam, po ugledu na istoričara arhitekture Aleksandra Ignjatovića. Kao vid teorije nacionalizma, primordijalizam je jedini omogućavao definisanje jedinstvene jugoslovenske nacije, koja je trebalo da obuhvati 'plemena' koja su imala različitu istoriju, kulturu, religiju, pa čak i jezik. Ideja da su jugoslovenski narodi u trenutku početka istorije bili jedno, i da ih njihove rasno-biološke odlike i dalje ujedinjuju bila je u srži ideologije jugoslovenstva iza koje je stajala dinastija Karađorđevića i državna birokratija, te je ova ideja ujedno predstavljala i jednu od osnova kulturne politike Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Imperativ da se Jugoslavija, u realnosti zaostala, nerazvijena i agrarna zemlja, prikaže kao moderna evropska nacija nije bio ništa manje izražen, jer je ideal modernizacije novostvorene države bio jedan od temeljnih razloga njenog postojanja. Primordijalni modernizam je formiran kao rezultat sinteze ovih tendencija, kao paradigma kojom je usmeravana produkcija umetnosti, a koja je bila posebno uticajna na polju muzičke produkcije. Paradigmom primordijalnog modernizma se od muzičkog dela očekuje da otelotvoruje moderan i napredan stil, ali i da koristi folklorni materijal (ili tematski materijal srodan folkloru) na način koji bi trebalo da u njemu otkrije postojanje dubljih, psiholoških, primitivnih, slojeva, koji transcendiraju trenutačne kulture 'plemena i odražavaju predistorijsko jedinstvo Jugoslovena. Zanimljivo je da se primordijalni modernizam često pojavljuje u vezi sa modernim stremljenjima koja su prepoznavana kao uticaj čehoslovačke kulture; Čehoslovačka ne samo što je bila saveznik Jugoslaviji u zaštiti granica Versajskog sporazuma, već je smatrana srodnom slovenskom nacijom i progresivnom evropskom zemljom na koju se treba ugledati. Paradigma primordijalnog modernizma može se pronaći kako u diskursu o muzici, tako i u muzičkoj produkciji. U cilju da pokažem prisutnost i važnost ovakvog načina mišljenja ukazaću na stavove vodećih muzičkih pisaca u Jugoslaviji, kao što su Miloje Milojević i Antun Dobronić. Istražujući muzičku produkciju potrebno je ukazati ne samo na konkretna dela (npr. Dobronića, Josipa Slavenskog i Mihovila Logara), već i na institucionalno okruženje u kome su ona nastajala, kao i na retoriku koja je pratila njihovu recepciju. Značajno je naglasiti da primordijalni modernizam nije stilska kategorija, već ideološka praksa koja je uticala na kompozitore različitih generacija i stilskih opredeljenja.

Abstract
In this article I explore the sonic and music practices in the experience of the NATO bombing of Belgrade, focusing particularly on their role in the governmental apparatuses both of the NATO forces and of Miloševic's regime. Drawing on affect studies, I discuss sound and music not only as text, but as sheer intensity, as a vibrational body and force. I argue that the sonic element of the experience of NATO bombing proved important as it provided the surface area, the somatic layer of the war machine, on which the apparatuses of governance could operate and effectuate the production of meaning.