Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Editor and Contributors -- Introduction -- World Order Transition -- The World Order Lifecycle and World Power Competition -- 1 Theory and Concepts -- 2 The Cycle of the (First) American Hegemony -- 2.1 Implementation (Till the Very Early 1970s) -- 2.2 De-Legitimation (from Early 1970s to Mid 2000s) -- 2.3 Coalition Reconfiguration (Since Mid 2000s) -- 3 Revisionism and Coalition Power -- 3.1 United States -- 3.2 China -- 3.3 Russia -- 4 The Next Macro-Decision -- 5 Concluding Remarks -- References -- Friction, Competition, or Cooperation? Menu of Choice for the United States and China-A Power Transition Perspective -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Power Transition: A Theoretical Perspective -- 3 Power: Parity or Preponderance? -- 4 Interest: Convergence or Divergence? -- 5 Down the Road: Cooperation or Conflict? -- Appendix: US and China Comparison-Data Sources -- References -- A Fresh Outlook on Order-Disorder Transition: The Complex Adaptive Systems (CAS) Perspective -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Prelude -- 2 The Need for New Conceptual Frameworks in International Relations -- 3 The Limitations of Current IR Systems Theories to Bridge the Micro-Macro Divide -- 4 How to Change the Paradigm -- 4.1 Prediction: The Medusa of All Science -- 5 Beyond the Usual Suspects of IR: The Complex Adaptive Systems (CAS) Approach -- 5.1 Regional Complexes and Sub-orders: "Open" Islands of Micro-Macro Connections -- 5.2 Three Preconditions for Transitioning from "Simple" Systems to "Complex" Systems -- 5.3 The Nature and Properties of CAS -- 6 Conclusion: Ordo Ab Chao -- References -- The Atlantic Area -- Donald Trump and NATO: Limitations on the Power of an Unpredictable President -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Theoretical Framework -- 3 The Dependent Variable: The Trump Administration's Policy Toward NATO.
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Innovation in the world's institutions and global politics as well as in the physical environment and practices of the contemporary societies has raised the need for specific and up-to-date knowledge about the politics and policies of relief, aid and reconstruction. This book advances the political analysis of international disaster policies which have been mostly in the domain of other social sciences. Exploring the formation of this field of study, this collection analyses the most recent disaster events including the Haiti earthquake, the tsunami in the Pacific Ocean and the genocide in Rwanda and Former Yugoslavia. Broadly linked to constructivism and neo-institutionalism, this book also looks at the impact of these cooperation policies on the governance of the present global system.
Since the European Union began to play a growing role in the relationships between the Member States and the Non-EU Mediterranean countries, the policymakers in Brussels have devoted a great deal of attention to devise and implement actions and programmes aimed at promoting peace, stability and growth to the area. The effects of such involvement have been not as significant as expected but not even insignificant. Tension has almost always floated over the Mediterranean waters because crises and violent conflicts have followed one another though never breaking all relations down. The present paper takes a cue from this feature of the Mediterranean area and proposes to watch the territory from a different angle of view. Contrary to the prevailing view of the Mediterranean as an area unaffected or scarcely affected by the dominant world policies, the paper analyses the impact of the world policy-making institutions and policies on the Mediterranean area. It also draws the readers' attention towards the participation and, in significant cases, the non-participation of the governments of the area in the world institutions and policies. Accordingly, the first section highlights the concepts useful to analyze the world as the political space in which policymaking institutions have been established for building policies that respond to world-scale problems. The second section outlines the significant security and economic world policies that have been established for responding to world problems and, consequently, for bringing order to the world, the Mediterranean area included. In the third section, the focus is on forecasting the world and Mediterranean politics of the coming years by drawing the readers' attention to the confrontation of three big powers, the USA, China and Russia. The difficulty to keep unaltered the Western coalition could not impede the renewal of the US hegemony should disorder be unsustainable to loads of countries. The Chinese model of economic openness and the non-interference of the investing companies may not work in all the Mediterranean countries. By acting as a troublemaker and game-changer in security complex settings like the Mediterranean area by bolstering authoritarian regimes, Russia mostly wants to create a situation in which the United States and the European countries find it impossible to make any decisions without its participation. Accordingly, the paper's conclusions call for building knowledge about the reconfiguration of the world coalitions and the change of the existing order and institutions. Especially the revisionism of the three states competing for world leadership requires careful investigation. Research on the influence of such a global process on the wider Mediterranean area and the involvement of the Mediterranean countries in such a process is of paramount importance. ; С тех пор, как Европейский союз стал играть растущую роль в отношениях между государствами-членами и средиземноморскими странами, не входящими в ЕС, политики в Брюсселе стали уделять большое внимание разработке и реализации действий и программ, направленных на поощрение мира, стабильности и развития в регионе. Эффект от такого участия оказался не столь значительным, как ожидалось, но, тем не менее, ощутимым. Напряжение почти всегда витало над водами Средиземного моря, потому что кризисы и жестокие конфликты следовали один за другим, но никогда не разрушали все отношения. Настоящая статья основана на этой особенности Средиземноморья и предлагает взглянуть на этот регион под другим углом зрения. Вопреки преобладающему мнению о Средиземноморье как о зоне, не затронутой или почти не затронутой основными мировыми событиями, в работе анализируется влияние международных институтов и действий, влияющих на Средиземноморский регион. Автор также привлекает внимание читателей к активной, а в некоторых случаях — к пассивной позиции правительств региона в мировых институтах и международной политике. Соответственно, первый раздел предлагает вниманию читателей концепции, пригодные для анализа мира как политического пространства, в котором были созданы институты для проведения политики, реагирующей на проблемы мирового масштаба. Во втором разделе излагаются основные международные подходы к безопасности и экономической политике, которые были разработаны для реагирования на мировые проблемы и, следовательно, для наведения порядка в мире, включая Средиземноморский регион. В третьем разделе основное внимание уделяется прогнозированию мировой и средиземноморской политики ближайших лет с учетом противостояния трех великих держав — США, Китая и России. Препятствия для сохранения в неизменном виде западной коалиции не могут помешать возобновлению гегемонии США, если беспорядок окажется неприемлемым для большого числа стран. Китайская модель экономической открытости и нейтральности компаний-инвесторов может работать не во всех странах Средиземноморья. Нарушая спокойствие и изменяя правила игры в сложных условиях безопасности, таких как Средиземноморье, поддерживая авторитарные режимы, Россия стремится создать ситуацию, в которой Соединенные Штаты Америки и европейские страны не могли бы принимать никаких решений без ее участия. Соответственно, выводы статьи призывают к накоплению знаний о реконфигурации мировых коалиций и изменении международного положения. Особенно тщательно следует исследовать политику ревизионизма трех государств, соревнующихся за мировое лидерство. Первостепенное значение имеют исследования влияния такого глобального процесса на более обширный район Средиземноморья и на участие средиземноморских стран в этом процессе.
The present paper draws the attention of political scientists towards the participation of the European Parliament in EU legislation making on migration and in the EU management of the migration crisis of the last seven years. The paper aims at knowing whether and, in the positive case, why the members of the Parliament mainly backed the management decisions and actions of the EU Council, Commission, and member governments in response to the inflow of refugees and irregular migrants. The analysis of the EP votes demonstrates that the mainstream Political Groups, namely the PGs of national mainstream parties, play as the passive legitimizers of the decisions of the European Council and the Commission. They are qualified as the passive legitimizers because the MEPs of the national mainstream parties share the policy their country government leaders adopt in the European Council towards restricting immigration. In other terms, the MEPs and the government chiefs of the mainstream national parties share the interest of being re-elected by the anti-immigration voters.
The article presents the findings of a research on the EU response to the crisis caused by the growth of the inflow of irregular migrants in Europe in 2011 and the following years. The first section examines the causes of the current migration flows in general terms and explains why many European citizens and political leaders are hostile to the arrival of migrants most of whom are forced to leave their home. In the second section, the management of the migration crisis by the EU leaders is analysed with the concepts and tools of the TransCrises project, an H2020 research about managing trans-boundary risks and crises. In particular, this section reviews how the EU leaders have operated the seven management tasks that experts deem as important to bring a crisis to not harmful consequences. In the concluding section, the EU management of the migration crisis is assessed and advices are given for upgrading the management. ; El artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación sobre la respuesta de la UE a la crisis provocada por el crecimiento de la afluencia de inmigrantes irregulares llegados a Europa en 2011 y en los años posteriores. La primera sección examina las causas de los flujos migratorios actuales en términos generales y explica por qué muchos ciudadanos europeos y líderes políticos se muestran hostiles a la llegada de los inmigrantes, cuando la mayoría de ellos se han visto obligados a abandonar sus hogares. En la segunda sección, se analiza la gestión de la crisis migratoria por parte de los líderes de la UE a través de los conceptos y herramientas del proyecto TransCrises, una investigación Horizonte2020 sobre la gestión de riesgos y crisis transfronterizos. En concreto, esta sección analiza cómo los líderes de la UE han llevado a cabo las siete tareas de gestión que los expertos consideran importantes para que una crisis no produzca consecuencias dañinas. En la sección final, se evalúa la gestión de la crisis migratoria en la UE y se brindan consejos para mejorar su gestión.
