Suchergebnisse

This thesis considers how religious diversification has shaped the roles of clergy and seminaries. The focus of this qualitative, interview-based study is seminaries and clergy affiliated with various denominations of Judaism and Protestant Christianity in greater London and New York City. Religiously diversifying societies in the US and England have brought forth new challenges for clergy and seminaries, prompting new questions about how or why a faith community should or should not engage with diversity in the public square. This study investigates how seminaries and individual members of the clergy, as sources of religious authority, are responding to religious diversification in different ways – the former sluggish to recognise the impact of religious diversification in curriculum and pedagogical structures and the latter seeing it as a resource for social action initiatives, local networks, and political activism. This has created a gap between training and practice whereby clergy have assumed greater religious authority in religious life. Beyond contributing to the field of sociology of religion, this thesis concludes by allowing the experience of clergy in interreligious engagement to inform appropriate pedagogies that could be employed by seminaries. ; I am grateful to the Woolf Institute and Cambridge Trust, the Spalding Trust, Fitzwilliam College, and Hillside Church for their financial assistance throughout the course of this PhD.

A wide-ranging study on Latin America's "pink tide" governments, and the social formations underpinning them, raised again the debate on 21st Century socialism. If the period 1990-2010 saw renewed popular insurgency after the Soviet bloc collapse, progressive forces have lately been confronted by low intensity reaction from the combined might of local and imperial bourgeoisies. US hegemony faces renewed anti-neoliberalism, but now assails popular regimes viaconstitutional rather than military coups. ; Um amplo estudo sobre os governos da "maré rosa" na América Latina e as formações sociais subjacentes a eles, recolocou o debate do socialismo do século XXI. Se no período de 1990 a 2010 houve nova insurgência popular após o colapso do bloco soviético, ultimamente as forças progressistas são confrontadaspor uma reação de "baixa intensidade" do poderio combinado das burguesias locais e imperiais. A hegemonia dos EUA enfrenta renovado antineoliberalismo,mas agora ataca os regimes populares mediante golpes constitucionais, ao invés de militares.

Tras las reformas en el sector de educación superior impuestas por el estado autorirario en 1980 - las más radicales desde la independencia en 1910 - se vio metamorfoseado ese sistema en términos cuantitativos y cualitativos. Subrayando el proceso fueron una ideología y prácticas neoconservadoras: la ascensión del libre mercado con su implícita deregulación de controles fiscales; la inmersón de la educadión superior en el discurso neoliberal; y el retraso del estado de su rol tradicional centralizado financiero y administrativo, más la flexibilización supuesta del currículum universitario. En 1990 un sistema que había contenido ocho universidades mayormente publicas una década atrás ya desplegaba cuarenta y cinco nuevas universidades privadas. La subida por diez veces el número de instituiciones fue acompañada por un incremento de sólo dos veces la cantidad de estudiantes. La democracia transicional liderado por el presidente Aylwin [1990-1994] señalo nuevas posibilidades en curto a género, etnicidad y cultura popular en la educación superior, historicamente excluidas de la educación estatal. El agotamiento de los modelos liberales y la concolidación de una etapa 'post-de-sarrollista' parecieron significar una apertura para formas no-modernas de actividad intelectual en América Latina. Sin embargo durante los años 1996 y 1997 se han visto las movilizaciones estudiantiles y académicos más grande desde 1982, año de inauguración de movimiento masivo anti dictatorial. Este ensayo examina el proyecto de educación superior de los dos gobiernos post Pinochet, y la respuesta popular frente a los cambios sistematizados hasta el disputado proyecto de Ley de Modernización de Universidades Estatales de 1995-1996, y sus consecuencias. Después de re-evaluar un caso de estudio sobre el Instituto Pedagógico se ofrece unas conclusiones y predicciones tentativas acerca del futuro del sector de educacion superior en Chile, comúnmente un caso paradigmático para la mayor parte de América Latina.

We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustees under God, of the civilization of the world. God has not been preparing the English speaking and Teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain [and] idle contemplation and self admiration. No! He has made us the master organizers of the world to establish system where chaos reigns. He has made us adept in government that we may administer government among savages and senile people.—U.S. Senator Albert Beveridge, ca. 1890

Discusses the role of El Consejo de Educacion de Adultos de America Latina ([CEAAL] the Latin American Council of Adult Education) in popular education. A historical review of CEAAL shows its relationship to popular history & educational philosophers such as Paulo Freire. A review of James Petras & Morris Morley's (eg, 1992) thesis indicates that intellectuals have retreated from the scene of popular education, no longer playing an important role in its construction & implementation. CEAAL's conference discourse relating to feminist projects is discussed, demonstrating a paradox between gender equality & class struggle. The autonomy of CEAAL is addressed in relation to state power structures; political regimes in flux have a limited influence, but more durable state apparatuses create an obstacle for change. It is concluded that CEAAL has made important contributions to liberation politics in Latin America. 1 Table, 113 References. T. Noland

Keine der in Albanien existierenden rechtsnationalistischen Gruppierungen kann letztlich als extremistisch eingestuft werden; lediglich im Hinblick auf außenpolitische Ziele kann von extremistischen Tendenzen gesprochen werden. Der Beitrag referiert die Kritik der Albanischen Demokratischen Partei der Rechten an der Politik der regierenden Demokratischen Partei und stellt die Bemühungen um einen Zusammenschluß der rechtsnationalistischen Gruppierungen dar. (BIOst-Mrk)