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ABSTRACT We provide the first replication study of political science research published in Brazil by attempting to replicate every quantitative article published in five major Brazilian journals between 2012 and 2016. We also tested whether replication rates varied between established fields, more traditional and where the use of quantitative data is more common, and emerging fields. Our results show that transparency and reproduction are still in a development stage in Brazilian Political Science. Of the 650 articles reviewed, we asked for data to 197 quantitative articles. From those, only 28% agreed to share datasets and computed codes. We were able to attempt a replication for only 14%, and successfully reproduce the results of less than 5%. We conclude by suggesting the adoption of transparency and replicability procedures that are standard in other scientific communities.

Empirical studies measuring the impact of globalization on social spending have appeared recently in leading journals. This study seeks to improve upon previous work by (1) employing a more sophisticated and comprehensive measure of financial openness; (2) using a more accurate measure of trade openness based on purchasing power parities; and (3) relying on social spending data that are more complete than those used by previous studies on Latin America. Our estimates suggest that several empirical patterns reported in previous work deserve a second look. We find that trade openness has a positive association with education and social security expenditures, that financial openness does not constrain government outlays for social programs, and that democracy has a strong positive association with social spending, particularly on items that bolster human capital formation.

A visão predominante sobre a eleição de 2018 é de que o eleitorado brasileiro deu uma guinada à direita. Neste artigo, argumentamos que uma das razões para explicar o aumento no posicionamento ideológico do eleitor como de direita pode ser atribuído ao processo de tomada de decisão do voto em si e não necessariamente ao aumento do eleitorado conservador. Para testar essa hipótese realizamos dois experimentos de survey que indicaram que a simples informação sobre o posicionamento ideológico do presidente Bolsonaro tem como efeitos nos respondentes: 1) o aumento do percentual dos que se posicionam na escala esquerda-direita; e 2) o reposicionamento mais à esquerda ou à direita de acordo com suas predisposições em relação ao presidente. A existência de um efeito reverso indica interpretação alternativa e complementar sobre a relação entre ideologia e processo de decisão do voto, tendo assim implicações importantes para a compreensão do contexto atual das eleições brasileiras.

Recently, many political scientists have argued that democracy may be threatened more by the erosion of its principles, embodied in the democratic institutions, than by traditional breakdowns. This debate led to a series of initiatives that sought to identify and evaluate this process of institutional erosion. This research note contributes to these efforts by assessing the importance and current performance of a set of formal and informal democratic institutions. We present results from a survey, conducted in 2020 with 419 Brazilian political scientists, which sought their opinions on the importance of a series of democratic principles and the status of Brazilian democracy. This survey is part of the Bright Line Watch project that brings together a group of political scientists to monitor democratic practices, their resilience, and potential threats. (JPLA/GIGA)

RESUMO Este artigo retoma a apresentação de um novo indicador de concentração eleitoral sugerido por Avelino, Biderman e Silva em artigo publicado em 2011 na Revista DADOS e amplia seu uso para o conjunto dos candidatos do país nas eleições realizadas entre 1994 e 2014. Os resultados mostram de forma sistemática que os candidatos que conseguem se eleger são menos concentrados do que os candidatos derrotados. A originalidade principal reside no fato de que tal achado contraria as teses que assumem o predomínio do voto pessoal nas eleições proporcionais brasileiras.