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During the 20th century, Sweden developed into a mainly secularized society with low key institutional religious presence on the political scene. Church and state separated in year 2000, as a result of a long term development separating religion and politics in Sweden. But a new development has been taking place in the last decade in Sweden on municipality levels. Being a society with less the 5% of the population born abroad in the beginning of the 1960s, contemporary Sweden is today a cultural multi-diverse society with close to 20% of its population born abroad. As a result of migration Sweden has rather rapidly developed into a cultural diverse and multi-religious society. Starting in the year 2006 on a municipality level, representatives of religious organizations have in Sweden become invited participants in a growing number of Swedish cities through involvement in inter-religious councils. Often political local authorities has decided to take a leading role in the councils, seemingly out of a growing awareness of faith-based organizations crucial role in promoting social cohesion in local settings. This paper presents a case study where the formation of an inter-religious council is taking place in a mid-sized Swedish town. The paper presentation outlines the result of interviews with three kinds of actors; (1) elected politicians responsible for strategic policymaking in local community, (2) civil servants responsible for carrying out these policies and (3) representatives of Christian and Moslem faith-based organizations active in the local community. Main research questions are the following: What are the key expectations on the council from the different actors' point of view? What kind of challenges are perceived to be crucial by different actors which should be dealt with in the short and long run? Analyses are made comparing similarities and disagreements in various respondents' views.The answers from the participants are also discussed through the lens of problematizing the overarching aim of the interreligious council. Does it promote a wished for social cohesion or does it involuntarily strengthen group conflict in pluralistic Sweden? The outcome of the empirical data will also be put in a European context about the consequences on local level when interreligious dialogue is established as part of municipalities' inter-cultural strategies.

Swedish society is characterized by secularization but as a result of migration during the last decades Sweden has developed into a more pluralistic society. On local level this is also detectable through a development of inter-religious councils in a growing number of Swedish cities. Often local political authorities has decided to play a crucial part in the councils, seemingly out of a growing awareness of faith-based organizations vital role in promoting social cohesion in local settings. This paper presents a case study where the formation of an inter-religious council is taking place in a mid-sized Swedish town. It presents the result of interviews with three kind of actors; (1) elected politicians responsible for strategic policymaking in local community, (2) civil servants responsible carrying out these policies and (3) representatives of participatory Christian and Moslem faith-based organizations active in the local community. Main research questions: What are the key expectations on the council from the different actors' point of view? What kind of challenges should be dealt with in the short and long perspective from different actors' point of view? Analysis will be made comparing similarities and disagreements in various views.

The outcome of an empirical audience study in Sweden, including questionnaires, focus groups and 10 in-depth individual interviews discussing favourite films, supports claims about viewers as active and playful (cf. Frampton, 2006; Hoover, 2006; Plantinga, 2009). The soft side of mediatization processes is illustrated showing young adults experiencing enchantment through films (Jerslev, 2006; Klinger, 2008; Oliver and Hartmann, 2010; Partridge, 2008). The outcome is in line with a growing number of empirical case studies which support conclusions that both thinking and behaviour are affected by film watching (Axelson, 2014; Marsh, 2007; Oliver and Hartmann, 2010; Suckfüll, 2010). The results of the interviews exploring specific scenes of idiosyncratic relevance support theories about fiction films as important sources for moral and spiritual reflection (Lynch, 2007; Partridge, 2004; Plantinga, 2009; Zillman, 2005). The concept of 'thick viewing' is proposed for capturing these moments of film experience when profound and enchanted emotional interpretations take place.

Abstract: Audiovisual Storytelling and Ideological Horizons: Audiences, Cultural Contexts and Extra-textual Meaning Making In a society characterized by mediatization people are to an increasing degree dependent on mediated narratives as a primary means by which we make sense of our experience through time and our place in society (Hoover 2006, Lynch 2007, Hjarvard 2008, Hjarvard & Lövheim 2012). American media scholar Stewart Hoover points to symbols and scripts available in the media environment, what he call the "symbolic inventory" out of which individuals make religious or spiritual meaning (Hoover 2006: 55). Vernacular meaning-making embedded in everyday life among viewers' dealing with fiction narratives in films and tv-series highlight a need for a more nuanced understanding of complex audiovisual storytelling. Moving images provide individuals with stories by which reality is maintained and by which humans construct ordered micro-universes for themselves using film as a resource for moral assessment and ideological judgments about life (Plantinga 2009, Johnston 2010, Axelson 2015). Important in this theoretical context are perspectives on viewers' moral frameworks (Zillman 2005, Andersson & Andersson 2005, Frampton 2006, Avila 2007).This paper presentation will focus on ideological contested meaning making where audiences of different cultural background engage emotionally with filmic narratives, possibly eliciting ideological and spiritual meaning-making related to viewers' personal world views. Through the example of the Homeland tv-series I want to discuss how spectators' cultural, religious, political and ideological identities could be understood playing a role in the interpretative process of decoding content. Is it possible to trace patterns of different receptions of the multilayered and ambiguous story depicted in Homeland by religiously engaged Christians and Moslems as well as non-believers, in America, Europe and Middle East? How is the fiction narrative dealt with by spectators in the audience in different cultural contexts and how is it interpreted through the process of extra-text evaluation and real world2understanding in a global era preoccupied with war on terror? The presentation will also discuss methodological considerations about how to reach out to audiences anchored in different cultural context. ; Multimodalitet Interkulturalitet Mening

Religions can facilitate cohesion, belonging and feelings of safety or can underpin tensions, separatism or terrorism. This has led local, national and international policymakers to use inter-religious councils to overcome local conflicts by facilitating dialogue. Sweden has a growing number of inter-religious councils around the country. This article focuses on the inter-religious council in Midtown. The aim is (1) to describe how politicians, civil servants and religious leaders as participants in the council express their expectations on the Midtown inter-religious council, and (2) to analyse these accounts in the light of ongoing research and European examples of inter-religious dialogue. Data have been collected via interviews and participant observation, and analysed through two critical lenses, one focusing on social cohesion, the other on fears of militant religious extremism. Results show that members of the Midtown council view religions as constituting possible obstacles but mainly as an important asset in a process of developing a cohesive society.

The so-called Swedish model of trust is characterised by strong public support for the idea of an individual-based and extensive welfare state, well-developed state individualism, high levels of social trust, widespread appreciation of the judiciary, openness, tolerance, and a free and independent press. Today, Swedish society faces several challenges. Will the Swedish model of trust be eroded or is it relatively resilient to stress? A Novus survey from 2019 found that a total of 74 percent of the Swedish population were very or quite worried about Islamic extremism, 66 percent very or quite worried about right-wing extremism and 46 percent very or quite worried about left-wing extremism. Other surveys show that the public is also concerned about the deterioration of the welfare state, social gaps, the increased number of refugees to Sweden and xenophobia. Moreover, the Novus survey shows that 65 percent believe that violence-promoting extremism will increase in Sweden in the coming ten-year period. 22 percent indicate that they have become suspicious of people they have encountered in everyday situations and 15 percent have avoided large crowds, e.g. shopping malls, pedestrian areas and subways. When asked which measures are good for increasing security in society, common answers were to reduce social exclusion, increase camera surveillance in public places and provide more information on democratic principles and values. These answers indicate that Swedish public opinion has a relatively balanced view of public measures against violent extremism, which is consistent with the Swedish model of trust. In general, the public does not propose the implementation of overly excessive measures against violent extremism. However, given continued public concern over the development of violent extremism, the long term stability of the Swedish model of trust remains in question.

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians' sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the case. However, Ludvika politicians must also contend with other sources of and reasons for mockery, harassment and threats: predominantly "angry citizens" due to controversial decisions, personal conflicts within established parties relating to the choice of personnel, and a contempt for in particular some extreme right wing political opinions. The results regarding the sense of safety and vulnerability are very much in line with national figures. Even overall, Swedish politicians at the national, regional and local levels are aware of pressure from right-wing extremists, who distribute propaganda that often incorporates blame, an exposing of individuals and violent language. The result from Ludvika should therefore be seen as one of degree rather than of type, as the situation is worse here than in other municipal councils in Sweden. A conclusion that can be drawn from the study is that the political debate is heading in an increasingly antagonistic direction, where ideological adversaries are regarded more as enemies than as legitimate opponents. While in the long term this can pose a threat to democracy, positive counter-responses were found in Ludvika that can serve to support the democratic position.

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians' sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the case. However, Ludvika politicians must also contend with other sources of and reasons for mockery, harassment and threats: predominantly "angry citizens" due to controversial decisions, personal conflicts within established parties relating to the choice of personnel, and a contempt for in particular some extreme right wing political opinions. The results regarding the sense of safety and vulnerability are very much in line with national figures. Even overall, Swedish politicians at the national, regional and local levels are aware of pressure from right-wing extremists, who distribute propaganda that often incorporates blame, an exposing of individuals and violent language. The result from Ludvika should therefore be seen as one of degree rather than of type, as the situation is worse here than in other municipal councils in Sweden. A conclusion that can be drawn from the study is that the political debate is heading in an increasingly antagonistic direction, where ideological adversaries are regarded more as enemies than as legitimate opponents. While in the long term this can pose a threat to democracy, positive counter-responses were found in Ludvika that can serve to support the democratic position.