Unfree, Unfair, and Insecure
Blog: Verfassungsblog
It is essential to recognize that elections encompass more than just the act of casting votes on election day.
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Blog: Verfassungsblog
It is essential to recognize that elections encompass more than just the act of casting votes on election day.
Blog: Verfassungsblog
Es ist notwendig, sich zu vergegenwärtigen, dass Wahlen mehr umfassen als den bloßen Akt der Stimmenabgabe am Wahltag.
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 75, Heft 1, S. 315-334
ISSN: 1309-1034
This study examines Hermann Heller's ideas on authoritarian liberalism and the form of the democratic state, which continue to be relevant for current discussions on the rise of authoritarian neoliberal regimes. Heller conceives democracy as popular sovereignty. Accordingly, the principle of popular sovereignty imposes a certain form to a state, which is nothing other than the constitutional state. He inseparably binds the organizational features of constitutional state (such as the rule of statutory law and separation of powers) to popular sovereignty, so that one side cannot be effectively realized in the absence of the other. On the other hand, he makes a sound and theoretically backed examination of what the authoritarian state actually is. In this way, Heller develops solid arguments against the efforts to reconcile authoritarian form of the state with popular sovereignty. Heller addresses conventional concepts such as parliamentarism, democratic authority, and the constitutional state, which are often considered outmoded or obsolete. While he clarifies the meaning of these concepts and analyzes their connection with the state organs, he defends and graces them as well.
In: Research and policy on Turkey, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 90-102
ISSN: 2376-0826
In: Armed forces & society, Band 43, Heft 3, S. 523-544
ISSN: 1556-0848
Since the early 2000s, civil–military relations in Turkey have been tremendously overhauled. The National Security Council (MGK) lay at the crux of this transformation. This semi-military council was considered to be the principal formal channel that allowed the military to intervene in politics. Therefore, the reforms toward more civilian domination in the MGK were extensively hailed and reckoned as the end of the military's protracted political role. However, subsequent developments did not verify this initial optimism about the demise of the old pattern of strong military presence in politics. This study examines the political activism of the reformed MGK. It suggests that the reforms trimmed the military's power through subjecting its functions to civilian control. Nevertheless, this shift proved insufficient to end MGK's political role. The MGK still actively takes part in politics and preserves its executive authority, although this authority is now performed concertedly by civilians and the soldiers.
World Affairs Online
In: Armed forces & society, Band 43, Heft 3, S. 523-544
ISSN: 1556-0848
Since the early 2000s, civil–military relations in Turkey have been tremendously overhauled. The National Security Council (MGK) lay at the crux of this transformation. This semi-military council was considered to be the principal formal channel that allowed the military to intervene in politics. Therefore, the reforms toward more civilian domination in the MGK were extensively hailed and reckoned as the end of the military's protracted political role. However, subsequent developments did not verify this initial optimism about the demise of the old pattern of strong military presence in politics. This study examines the political activism of the reformed MGK. It suggests that the reforms trimmed the military's power through subjecting its functions to civilian control. Nevertheless, this shift proved insufficient to end MGK's political role. The MGK still actively takes part in politics and preserves its executive authority, although this authority is now performed concertedly by civilians and the soldiers.