Suchergebnisse

The paper concentration is on the number of votes each political party acquired in the 2015 local elections. A constant debate and dispute is performed regarding vote counting manipulating, such as vote steeling, uncounted votes, corruption of vote counters, vote buying etc. Thus, statistical calculation on 2015 national results are subject of first digit Benford's Law application. The result shows that all first digit number groups of parties' normal distribution rate of votes do not correlate to the 1BL distribution rate. It is clear that there have been a probable vote fraud/manipulation in this election. Out of three main political parties of Albania, being also parliamentary ones, only one the Socialist Party shows lost vote's number in the group it belongs. Instead the Socialist Movement for Integration and Democratic Party show an increasing one. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2017.v6n1p17

This paper presents a contribution toward understanding the complexity of Albanian electoral behavior. Long-term factors (behavior, value, family, age/gender group, etc.) and short-term factors (candidates, socio-economic-political situation, government actions, ect.) are analyzed. It is possible to try map an inverse linkage between the ideological and the absent voting behavior during the period 2007-2015. It were expected the "shrink" of the ideological voter and the slight increase of the absent voter. Taking into consideration the not yet developed democracy, the empirical research data and analysis of election voting behavior of Albania outline this view. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3s1p138

Election fraud is difficult to be detected especially in developing countries undergoing multiple dimensional transitions. The Albanian political actors' mistrust leads to a fraudulent environment for all elections held since 1991 (post-communist regime) being disputed for potential fraud. This paper applies the first digit Benford's Law to the 2009 parliamentary elections results for each of the 12 districts as a way of mapping the disputes for the fraud level during elections. The results and graphs show that there has been an obvious election fraud; there is no correlation between the votes and Benford's rate in almost all the districts. The analysis performed evidences the shift of votes from smaller parties towards the major ones especially towards the Democratic Party and Socialist Integration Movement (2009-13 governmental coalition) and also the swung of votes from the losing coalition (including the Socialist Party as leading party of the governmental opposition) to the wining one. There is evidenced also a shift of votes from the main parties to the smaller ones, probably within the same coalition. The fraud evidenced from Benford's Law (as per figures presented) illustrates that the incurred level has resulted in the alteration of political representative number currently in the Parliament, both at party and coalition level. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n2p755

Election fraud is difficult to be detected especially in developing countries undergoing multiple dimensional transitions. The Albanian political actors' mistrust leads to a fraudulent environment for all elections held since 1991 (post-communist regime) being disputed for potential fraud. This paper applies the first digit Benford's Law to the 2009 parliamentary elections results for each of the 12 districts as a way of mapping the disputes for the fraud level during elections. The results and graphs show that there has been an obvious election fraud; there is no correlation between the votes and Benford's rate in almost all the districts. The analysis performed evidences the shift of votes from smaller parties towards the major ones especially towards the Democratic Party and Socialist Integration Movement (2009-13 governmental coalition) and also the swung of votes from the losing coalition (including the Socialist Party as leading party of the governmental opposition) to the wining one. There is evidenced also a shift of votes from the main parties to the smaller ones, probably within the same coalition. The fraud evidenced from Benford's Law (as per figures presented) illustrates that the incurred level has resulted in the alteration of political representative number currently in the Parliament, both at party and coalition level. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2013.v2n8p379

Electorate voting behavior is one of the significant impact components on the socio-political and economic life of the Albanian Republic. This is officially formulated in the article 1, point 3 of the Albanian Constitute: 3 "Governance is based on a system of elections that are free, equal, general and periodic". It expresses the direct mechanism in which the individual takes part in political representation, constituting one of the directions in focus of the political parties whose aim is to increase the percentage of voters by offering programs during the electoral process in the interest of political platforms. This article analyses and advices how the parties should act to increase their voting percentage and become a "winner player of the electoral game". However, this is achieved only by bringing in stake the real interests of the voters, thus the development of policies based on their interests, based on of types of voting behavior, such as socio-economic, psychological, age, gender, individual and group interests, etc. As a result, the study and knowledge of the dynamics of voting behavior (absent, rational, ideological, neutral voting behavior) is the step that should take the "political party" actor for this purpose. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n2p579

This paper presents an overview of the correlation and changing dynamics of the main determinant indicators of economic welfare (GDP per capita, Inflation, Employment/Unemployment, Total Government Revenue, Total Investment, GNI per capita) and subjective welfare indicators (Subjective Welfare Indicator as defined by R. Inglehart) in Albania during the years 1998-2012 influencing the profiles of the Albanian electorate's behavior. The regression analysis results and the changing dynamics among them allows to assert that economic welfare is one of the main cause, but not the only, of subjective well being of Albanian voter in these years. The results show that the economic indicators analyzed, except employment/unemployment, inflation per capita and total investment do not influence on the Albanian electorate subjective well being. This means that along with economic factor there are other influential effects to the voter in this time period, probably indicators such as cultural, psychological, sociological, etc., which are not concern of this paper. This allows also the realization of future predictions that could serve as an added value for all stakeholders involved in the political game in the micro level interest and at macro level interest it can serve to Democracy Development of Albania. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n9p306