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This paper presents an analysis of the everyday practices of individuality among the migrant workers with whom I worked at "Lamb Buddha", a hotpot restaurant in Anshan City, Liaoning Province, during the summer of 2007. The majority of the data comes from four young men, meaning that the analysis complements extant studies of Chinese female migrant workers by allowing male-gendered inflections of discourse prominence. The paper examines the internal structure of "symbolic boundaries" drawn and managed in judgements, positioning statements, and so forth, attempting to regress the modalities by which these migrants assert themselves, thus showing how individuality arises from a discursive environment structured by relation to similar peers and distinctly different others. (JCCA/GIGA)

This paper presents an analysis of the everyday practices of individuality among the migrant workers with whom I worked at "Lamb Buddha", a hotpot restaurant in Anshan City, Liaoning Province, during the summer of 2007. The majority of the data comes from four young men, meaning that the analysis complements extant studies of Chinese female migrant workers by allowing male-gendered inflections of discourse prominence. The paper examines the internal structure of "symbolic boundaries" drawn and managed in judgements, positioning statements, and so forth, attempting to regress the modalities by which these migrants assert themselves, thus showing how individuality arises from a discursive environment structured by relation to similar peers and distinctly different others. Adapted from the source document.

This paper argues that new interpretations of "eating bitterness" (吃苦, chiku) have firmly entered the landscape of China's social organisation. Whereas the bitterness eaten by heroic types in China's revolutionary past was directed towards serving others, now the aim of eating bitterness is self-awareness. Furthermore, bitterness-eating, which once pertained to rural-urban migrant workers as opposed to discourses of urban "quality" (素质, suzhi), has now also been taken up by the urban middle classes. A new cultural distinction, therefore, adds dignity to migrant workers while potentially marginalising a wide range of unproductive people, both urban and rural. This distinction ultimately mitigates risk to the Chinese regime because the regime makes sure to reward those who eat bitterness. This paper is based on ethnographic data gathered in Anshan, from the rural areas surrounding Chengdu, and our analysis of a TV show about a peasant boy who becomes a Special Forces soldier. (JCCA/GIGA)

Purpose. To estimate the lifetime cost of three types of employer-sponsored breast cancer screening programs and to identify factors influencing cost. Design. A computerized decision analysis model was constructed to compare lifetime costs of providing breast cancer screening in each of three screening programs: on-site within an employer, mobile unit visiting the employer, and off-site. Subjects. Three hypothetical cohorts of 10,000 female employees 38 years of age at time of first screening. Intervention. A cohort was enrolled in each screening program and received screening from age 38 through age 64. Employees continued to receive benefits related to breast cancer until age 100 or death. Measures. Costs in the model included those for screening, workup for a suspicious mammogram, treatment for breast cancer, short-term losses in employee productivity, and disability due to breast cancer. Approach. The model was used to estimate the mean lifetime cost per employee, to the employer, of the On-Site program. This cost was compared to the cost of the other programs. Results. Mean lifetime cost per employee was $5,485 for the On-Site screening program. This cost was significantly (P<.0001) lower than in the Off-Site program (by $311) or the Mobile program (by $212). The baseline results for the On-Site program were quite sensitive to the cost of screening, the sensitivity and specificity of screening, age at initiation of screening, and the underlying incidence of breast cancer in the population. Conclusion. Employers and other entities should consider these factors such as location and content in selecting the most efficient and effective breast cancer screening program.