Suchergebnisse

This article presents the research strategy of two interrelated research projects that both analyze the role of political parties for women's political representation. Previous research has suggested that an increased institutionalization of political parties' candidate selection procedures will increase women's political representation. However, because of the lack of available data on political parties' internal nomination procedures, there is a shortage on conceptual clarifications as well as on empirical comparisons. With the help of unique data produced by International IDEA covering 176 parties in 64 developing countries, as well as of four comparative case studies, the combined undertaking of the two projects is threefold: First we conceptually disentangle and concretize the dimensions of institutionalization in candidate selection to allow for a proper operationalization of the concept Second, we analyze the possible effects of institutionalization, in relation to other party characteristics, on the number of female representatives. Third, we contextually nuance the discussion and examine whether the role of institutionalization in candidate selection is contingent on the different preferences parties are likely to have in different political climates. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalised groups. More specifically, it analyses whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualise the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomy of the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system. Adapted from the source document.

This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries' representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies. Adapted from the source document.

Gender quotas are often referred to as temporary measures to be removed once the barriers for women's political representation have permanently been broken. This article explores theoretically the potential for different quota types to be removed whilst maintaining a high level of women's representation. We find that implemented party/legislative quotas with rank order specifications is the quota type that is most likely to both increase women's numerical representation and to reform political parties' recruitment practices in a gender-equal way. Adapted from the source document.

In 2011-12 conflict continued to be a major concern for the international community, most notably in the Middle East, western Asia and Africa, but also with increased levels of interstate tension in East Asia. Nevertheless, deaths resulting from major organized violence worldwide remained at historically low levels. Perhaps the biggest single factor that has shaped the significant global decline in the number of armed conflicts and casualty rates since the end of the superpower confrontation of the cold war has been the dramatic reduction in major powers engaging in proxy conflicts. However, the relationship between states and conflict may be changing once again. In recent years there has been an increase in the number of intrastate conflicts that are internationalized -- that is, that have another state supporting one side or another. Such involvement often has the effect of increasing casualty rates and prolonging conflicts. Shifting interests and changing capabilities as a result of a weakening of the unipolar post-cold war security balance and the emergence of elements of multipolarity are clearly affecting the overall international order, even while levels of conflict remain relatively low. Nevertheless, some developments in 2011-12 could be seen as warning signs that if the positive trends in conflict that emerged in recent decades are to be sustained, new ways need to be found to build cooperative international relations to manage the changing global security order. Adapted from the source document.