Suchergebnisse

This volume provides a series of empirically dense analyses of the historical and contemporary dynamics of Arab intra-regional migration to the monarchies of the Persian Gulf, and unravels the ways in which particular social and cultural practices of Arab migrants interact with the host states. Among other things, specific contributions allow us to consider the socioeconomic and political factors that have historically shaped the character of the Arab migratory experience, the sorts of work opportunities that Arab migrants have sought in the region, what their work conditions and lived experiences have been, and whether we are able to discern any patterns of sociocultural integration for Arab non-nationals.

Amid pervasive and toxic language, and equally ugly ideas, suggesting that migrants are invaders and human mobility is an aberration, one might imagine that human beings are naturally sedentary: that the desire to move from one's birthplace is abnormal. As the contributors to this volume attest, however, migration and human mobility are part and parcel of the world we live in, and the continuous flow of people and exchange of cultures are as old as the societies we have built together. Together, the chapters in this volume emphasise the diversity of the origins, consequences and experiences of human mobility in the Middle East.

This study analyses both the historic trajectories of agricultural development in the Middle East, and how the globalisation of food production has impacted domestic food security and food sovereignty. The volume draws on original research conducted on the causes and consequences of food security in the Middle East at national and regional levels as well as household and individual levels.

AbstractThe six monarchies of the Persian Gulf are considered to be the world's third largest hub of international migration, having over the decades drawn millions of labour migrants to occupy a range of jobs across all tiers of the labour market. Despite decades of an unabated inward flow of foreign workers, none of the regional governments consider themselves to be destinations for permanent settlement or immigration. To meet their domestic labour needs and simultaneously avoid becoming immigrant‐based societies, the Gulf States have developed elaborate mechanisms of migration control. The overarching goal of the much vilified "kafala" system has above all else been to ensure the temporariness of migrants' duration of stay. By tying migrants' visa status directly to their employer‐sponsors and to short duration work contracts, the Gulf states have managed to cycle workers in and out of the country without making an efforts towards integration or adding to their citizen population. However, the precarities, dependencies and immobilities this visa regime imposes on labour migrants has generated a phenomenon of migrants actively seeking means by which to evade it. This paper explores Pakistani migrants' efforts to gain "legal" entry into the Gulf labour markets through pursuing the "Azad" or "free" visa. These visas are in essence sold (at a fairly high cost) to potential migrants via the profit‐oriented transnational labour recruitment system that brings migrants from Asia to the Gulf.

The Gulf region has emerged as one of the largest hubs of international migration and more recently has also become a site of contestation for debates over the treatment of international labour migrants. This paper reviews the labour migration system in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, studies the unfolding human rights discourse on Gulf migration, and examines how Islamic principles might be applied to the labour reforms taking place in these countries. The paper suggests that there is a fragmented landscape around the human rights discourse of migrant workers globally. There are also tensions around the adoption of international human rights norms as a framework for addressing the vulnerabilities of Gulf migrants. In conclusion, the paper argues that the category of current Gulf labour migrant is best served if placed within the Islamic view of how an ethical economy ought to function. Islamic precepts on the 'humane' economy can serve to provide guidance on how to balance the interests of workers and employers, and elevate the standards for migrant workers' rights in this region.

The six Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf host some of the largest global populations of international labor migrants. As COVID-19 began spreading across the Gulf, migrants made up a large share of the positive cases identified. Migrants' living and working conditions in the Gulf and other structural vulnerabilities increased their exposure to the disease. Despite the risks of staying in the Gulf, many lower-income migrants preferred to do rather than returning to their home countries. For them, travel restrictions and the difficulty of finding work back home in the midst of the pandemic have outweighed the immediate danger of infection and illness.

There is no precise English equivalent to this Hindustani proverb. A rolling stone gathers no moss, between the devil and the deep blue sea, between a rock and a hard place, torn between two masters—none of these really fit. The dhobi ka kuta is the dog who figuratively and literally runs every day between two places, two obligations, and two choices. Does he stay behind to guard the master's house or does he guard his master as he washes clothes by the river? There will be a trade-off either way. The phrase does not conjure up vagabond restlessness or nomadic liberation. It evokes the anxiety of rootlessness, and the lack of certainty about choice and loyalty. It is about the doubt cast your way for not picking one thing over the other. It is about being stuck in the vagaries of the in-between.

AbstractSince winning the bid to host the 2022 World Cup, the Qatari government has channelled billions of dollars into infrastructural development to prepare for the tournament, which has ramped up the country's already high reliance on migrant labour. The international spotlight on migrant labour abuse has also become more intense as the date of the event approaches. Yet, human rights discourses surrounding World Cup 2022 continue to paint a simplistic and incomplete picture of migrant labour in the Gulf, where racism and its correctives are defined through the white gaze, with undercurrents of Orientalism and Islamophobia. In contrast, we offer a historical and transnational framework for understanding contemporary racialised labour and immigration systems in the Gulf. Effectively improving everyday life for migrant workers in the Gulf requires engaging both local stakeholders and the multiple actors and institutions—both inside and outside Qatar—involved in reproducing these systems.