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Explores the role of families in shaping choices about local universities and which A levels and degree subjects to study; how community expectations about marriage interact with plans for university; the financial strategies of South Asian women students for funding their education; and the diversity of experiences of education.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to critically examine and reformulate T.H. Marshall's concept of industrial citizenship, and apply the reformulated model to a case study of the UK.Design/methodology/approachMarshall's conceptualisation of industrial citizenship is criticised for neglecting the rights of unions as collective rights and for treating industrial citizenship as an aggregation of individual rights. Subsequent attempts to use the idea of industrial citizenship are similarly flawed. A case study of changes to industrial citizenship in the UK in the 1980s and 1990s is used to develop the new model and provide evidence in support of it.FindingsAn alternative conceptualisation of industrial citizenship is presented that outlines collective and individual powers, obligations, liberties, constraints, immunities and liabilities. This model is illustrated using examples from the Conservative governments' industrial relations legislation of the 1980s and 1990s.Originality/valueDiscussions and applications of T.H. Marshall's concept of industrial citizenship are few and far between. The paper proposes an original re‐conceptualisation specifying the collective rights of unions in the British regime of industrial citizenship. This new concept of industrial citizenship is then applied to the radical changes in industrial relations legislation in the UK in the 1980s and 1990s.

This paper considers recent debates around patriarchy and gender segregation in paid employment. I argue that there are significant problems concerning a lack of attention to the forms of mobilization of patriarchal forces. Most analyses using the concept of patriarchy to explain gender segregation have used those empirical examples where men are organized in trade unions or professional associations. They have no way of explaining segregation in those cases where such organizations are absent. Using a case study of the hotel and catering industry between 1951 and 1981, I show that it is necessary to distinguish functional, hierarchical and industrial forms of segregation, rather than simply horizontal and vertical forms. I also develop concepts of the different organizational resources that patriarchal mobilization may draw upon in order to explain those cases where unions and professional organizations are absent.