Rezente Berichte über den Zustand von Religionsfreiheit und Pluralismus in Indonesien zeichnen häufig ein wenig schönes Bild. Gleichzeitig findet sich vielfach aber auch die Ansicht, Indonesien als ein Land zu sehen, das erfolgreich einen Demokratisierungsprozess in Gang setzen konnte und daher als Modell für einen demokratischen und moderaten Islam dienen kann – trotz all der damit verbundenen religiösen und gesellschaftlichen Probleme in Indonesien.
In spite of the fact that Islamic identity politics is not a new theme in Indonesia, this phenomenon is increasing in the public sphere after the 1998 reform. This is marked by the frequent use of religious issues in the political contestations such as the 2017 DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial election and the 2019 Presidential election. In the DKI election, certain Islamic groups demanded Basuki Tjahaya Purnama, who from the double minority group, as a subject due to blasphemy issue. However, in 2019 Presidential election which Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto rematched for the second candidacy, religious issues were also raising. Political contestation continued despite the fact that the two presidential candidates are Muslim. This interesting fact certainly raises the question of the phenomenon of national politics which leads not only to the strengthening of Islamic identity politics but also the identity politicsbetween Islamic groups in Indonesia. Based on field studies, literatures and interviews, this study will discuss the construction process of the identity politics of Islamic groups against social and political reality nowadays, moreover in the 2019 Presidential Election. In contrast to the other researches that still focuses on why identity politics arises, this research will examine the construction process, moreover in the 2019 Presidential election.
In spite of the fact that Islamic identity politics is not a new theme in Indonesia, this phenomenon is increasing in the public sphere after the 1998 reform. This is marked by the frequent use of religious issues in the political contestations such as the 2017 DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial election and the 2019 Presidential election. In the DKI election, certain Islamic groups demanded Basuki Tjahaya Purnama, who from the double minority group, as a subject due to blasphemy issue. However, in 2019 Presidential election which Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto rematched for the second candidacy, religious issues were also raising. Political contestation continued despite the fact that the two presidential candidates are Muslim. This interesting fact certainly raises the question of the phenomenon of national politics which leads not only to the strengthening of Islamic identity politics but also the identity politicsbetween Islamic groups in Indonesia. Based on field studies, literatures and interviews, this study will discuss the construction process of the identity politics of Islamic groups against social and political reality nowadays, moreover in the 2019 Presidential Election. In contrast to the other researches that still focuses on why identity politics arises, this research will examine the construction process, moreover in the 2019 Presidential election.
This research attempts to investigate an intermingled relationship of political interest and religious issues, particularly in the Jakarta's Gubernatorial Issues in 2017. Basuki Tjahaya Purnama or Ahok, one of the governor candidate and also the former governor was accused of blasphemy issues after his speech in the Pramuka Island becomes viral. Although this case ended with a court, which ruled that he was guilty and received a sentence of 2 years in prison, this has become an unforgettable fact of Indonesian democracy. The proposed inquiry is how far religious issues influence political tension for based non-religion countries such as Indonesia. By using approach of hate Spin, within the combination of hate speech (vilification or offense-giving) and indignation of the offense-taking framework, this paper focuses on the entanglements of a political campaign and religious issues in the election period. This issue is significant for the reason that the tension of religious and political issues put both democracy and multiculturalism in Indonesia. Indeed, there is still a good opportunity for maintaining diversity through producing tolerance view, and enforcing the law for the actor of hate speech and hate spin.
Citizenship is among the notions mostly contested after the collapse of a long-standing authoritarian regime in 1998. The reform era – after 1998 - radically transformed Indonesia into a democratic country and brought many other issues including minority issues into the forefront. Unlike other countries that draw their citizenship on a clear formula between religious and secular paradigm, Indonesia, due to ambivalence of its religion-state relation, exhibits fuzzy color of citizenship that leaves space for majority domination over the minority. In consequence, the status of Ahmadiyya for instance, as one of an Islamic minority group, is publicly questioned both politically and theologically. Capitalized by two Indonesian prominent scholars, Burhani (2014) and Sudibyo (2019), I conducted approximately one-month field research in Tasikmalaya and found that what has been experienced by Ahmadiyya resembles Homo Sacer in a sense that while recognised legally through constitutional laws, those who violate their rights are immune to legal charges. This leads to nothing but emboldening the latter to persistently minoritise the former in any possible ways.
Jemaah Ahmadiyah Indonesia (JAI) is known as a group on behalf of themselves as part of Islam adherents, however, their acceptance as part of Islam become an issue led to the creation of conflict. Although by law, their existence in citizenship context is legal, but in public service is often made difficult, due to intervention of the interest groups and affiliate with the state. Disclaimer of JAI identity of Islam by Islamist group was not limited to the theological issues, dogmatic, but it extends to the social issues and public sphere policy. It can be found through postponement case of e-ID card service for the JAI community in Manis Lor village, Jalaksana District, Kuningan regency of West Java. By using a qualitative research methods, this research aims to identify and understand the basic reasons of the e-ID card service postponement for the JAI community and find out who the actor affecting these e-ID service postponement. Through interviews with several informant from government, that is executive, and legislative, and mass organizations were influential in the regency, and own JAI community, as well as document review, it was found that the e-ID services postponement for the JAI community in Kuningan West Java, was not apart from the role of local politics, Islamic mass organizations, thus it can be concluded that ID card services postponement for JAI in Kuningan are not limited to identity issue related to theological doctrine, but also the impact of the political bargaining at the local level related to the electoral votes winnings, and other parties to the influence of Islamic mass organizations that want to maintain status quo and power. Negotiation of interests between government and mass organization to make JAI as the power object led to discrimination against JAI as minorities in obtaining their rights as citizens.
"This collection presents critical environmental problems with respect to their intersection with culture and religion in Indonesia, such as water resource management, conservation, and political ecology. Scholars from the region ground investigation in ethnographic field studies that represent diverse communities, including Indigenous perspectives from across the archipelago. The discussion is forward-looking and sophisticated, offering a meaningful and critical engagement with the field of religion and ecology." --
Abstract This article discusses the religious dimension of the coastal adaptation of Muslim communities on northern coast of Java, Indonesia. As a volcanic island, geomorphological processes are the main causes of coastal inundation in Java. Nonetheless, debates on coastal adaptation mostly related to climate change adaptation. By focusing on North Coast Java, this study aims to draw parallels between the experiences of Javanese communities and communities facing rising sea levels in other parts of the world. Two Muslim communities were selected as both have experienced coastal flooding and indicate religious dimension in their adaptive strategies. This study has three main findings: 1. The religious dimension contributes significantly to environmental adaptation processes; 2. Religious practices interact in both positive and negative ways to affect the adapting communities; and 3. In the Javanese context, environmental adaptation takes the form of a narrative around local history and the experiential knowledge of the drowning communities.
