Suchergebnisse

Artikel ini fokus kepada dinamika agenda Education for All (EFA) sebagai agenda pendidikan dunia yang telah digaungkan sejak dua dasawarsa kebelakang. Ironisnya, setelah 15 tahun EFA dilaksanakan hingga paripurna di tahun 2015 silam, realitas implementasi dari EFA sebagai komitmen dunia tidak seindah tujuan mulia yang digaungkannya. Berdasarkan problematika tersebut, pertanyaan utama yang akan diajukan dalam artikel ini adalah bagaimana EFA sebagai agenda pendidikan global membenamkan hegemoni terhadap trajektori kebijakan pendidikan negara – negara berkembang? menggunakan pendekatan Cox dalam memahami World Orders sebagai sebuah arena tempat kekuatan sosial diproduksi; artikel ini mengklaim bahwasanya hegemoni etis EFA sebagai sebuah agenda pendidikan dunia terhadap negara – negara berkembang berpijak pada proses institutionalisasi agenda pendidikan secara global menggunakan keberadaan organisasi internasional, kapasitas material agenda yang ditopang oleh negara-negara maju, dan ide universal untuk membangun konsensus global terkait trajektori pendidikan dunia.

Perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina yang masih berlangsung hingga pertengahan 2022 ini menyisakan perhatian pada diaspora, selain pada segala akibat perang dalam banyak hal terhadap kedua negara dan hubungan internasional. Diaspora Rusia dan diaspora Ukraina tersebar di luar negeri, baik sebagai diaspora pasif maupun sebagai diaspora transnasional dan global. Dalam banyak kepentingan mereka adalah subjek-subjek internasional yang signifikan baik bagi negara asal (home country) dan negara tuan rumah (host country) maupun bagi ragam komunitas diaspora lainnya. Namun, serangan militer Rusia ke Ukraina telah membuat diaspora Rusia dalam keadaan sosial yang tersudutkan di tempat mereka berdomisili. Sementara para pengungsi Ukraina yang mendapatkan simpati sebagai migran baru akan mengalami kehidupan diaspora di negara penerima di masa depan bila mereka menetap. Dari tempat baru, mereka dapat berfungsi sebagai saluran politik domestik dan internasional untuk konflik dan iredentisme guna "memulihkan" identitas dan wilayah yang telah dianeksasi pihak musuh. Selanjutnya, efek terkuat perang Rusia dan Ukraina terhadap risiko perang berikutnya bekerja melalui diaspora adalah sesuatu yang mungkin.

The high escalation of conflict that occurred in the Middle East region became a global issue which until now still has not found a solution. This situation is also complicated by the presence of US President Donald Trump's controversial immigration policy, which targets the Middle Eastern countries. Various efforts have been made by each country to reduce tension and maintain social and political stability in each country. In the midst of the many efforts made, emerging non-state actor that are trying to resolve conflicts, one of which is the Divan OrcThe high escalation of conflict that occurred in the Middle East region became a global issue which until now still has not found a solution. This situation is also complicated by the presence of US President Donald Trump's controversial immigration policy, which targets the Middle Eastern countries. Various efforts have been made by each country to reduce tension and maintain social and political stability in each country. In the midst of the many efforts made, emerging non-state actor that are trying to resolve conflicts, one of which is the Divan Orchestra, an international music organization that runs Music Diplomacy in the conflict countries. In this study, researchers will try to discuss The Divan Orchestra diplomatic roles as a representation of the message of peace from its members. The researcher will use the concepts of Music Diplomacy, Soft Power and Non-State Roles as Analysis Tools. While the research method used is a Qualitative Method using Literature Study. orcid:0000-0002-1953-7663

This research is aimed at describing civic literacy rasing among university students involved in student organizations. The research objective is to reveal their views on democratic practices in Indonesia, particularly through the moment of the 2019 elections. The research is conducted by a qualitative method, specifically by phenomenological approaches such as interviews, observation, and collecting documents. The result of the study shows that a positive outlook has been perceived by the students with regard to the 2019 election as a scheme of political leadership recruitment in Indonesia. The result also shows that according to the student perceptions, the challenge of the practice of democracy in Indonesia through the election voting has been contested by the impact of digital culture. Within this context, the respondents' knowledge about civic literacy and their political participation have been also affected by the upscaling digital practices, therefore it has been a future challenge for Indonesian democracy in next the future.

This study aims to describe, and analyze the coalition strategies of local political parties and national political parties in the framework of winning regional heads in a region that has built a political dynasty for a dozen years, especially in Nagan Raya District, Aceh Province. The theory used is the political strategy theory used by Schroder (2010) which assesses political strategy is a framework of steps or plans used in order to realize political ideals. The political strategy is divided into two: political offensive strategy and defensive political strategy. This study uses a qualitative method. The data source consists of primary and secondary data. Primary data were obtained from the results of in-depth interviews with a number of informants, while secondary data were obtained from literature review and related documents. The research instrument is the researcher himself. Research informants consisted of coalition leaders, bearers of political parties, couples who won in Nagan Raya regional elections, Jamin Idham and Chalidin. The results showed that the strategy adopted by the candidate pair Jamin Idhan and Chalidin (JADIN) to fight incumbents, namely Teuku Raja Keumangan and Said Junaidi (TRK ONLY) was an offensive strategy.

The study of Jeje-Adang's capital relations in Pangandaran Regency election aims to analyze the influence of one capital to other capital ownership process which ultimately plays a role in winning political contestation. This study uses qualitative approach with descriptive method through field studies by means of interviews, documentation, and literature studies. The study results indicate a relationship between political capital, economic capital, and Jeje-Adang's social capital in local election of Pangandaran Regency. In this relation, the utilization of social capital contributes to the acquisition of Jeje-Adang's political and economic capital. Enhancement of the pair's social capital is due to the use of political capital through their involvement in politics and government and the utilization of economic capital as entrepreneurs prior to the election. Thus, the relationship between political capital, social capital, and economic capital of Jeje-Adang is contributed to their winning in Pangandaran Regency election.

The bitter sanctions against the Indonesian Football Association (PSSI) by the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) in 2015-2016 revealed an irritate reality regarding how weak the position of the state is; when dealing with organizations that are considered as representations of global institutions in the world of football. Therefore, Indonesia's powerlessness has made the question why the state is powerless before FIFA as an international organization finds its importance. Using the Coxian approach to understand the World Orders, this article argues that this condition due to the FIFA's hegemony which supported by three main aspects, namely; first, the idea of football which is a populist sport, must be separated from the political intervention of state power. Second, FIFA's material capacity has made football as a sport with high economic value, even in Indonesia itself. Finally, supported by the previous two aspects, the governance of FIFA institutions has gripped various regions of the world, so that it has created sovereignty in the world of football. Using critical analysis, the intellectual work of this paper does not only intend to improvise in the selection of topics but also presents alternative narratives in the contemporary constellation of contemporary international relations studies.

The vibrant bilateral relations between Indonesia-Vietnam has been tested by the Sink the Vessels policy, a robust measure executed by Indonesia to tackle rampant illegal fishing that encroach Indonesian waters. The policy has caused in the demolition of, among else, Vietnamese fishing vessels; and has also led to near-clash and incidents at sea. Despite these, both countries bilateral relations were far from hostile condition, and uphold their neighbourly relations to manage the illegal fishing problem. How Could Indonesia's foreign policy action did not further exacerbate Indonesia-Vietnam relations post "Sink the Vessels" policy? To tackle our question, this article probes to describe the complex systems that interwoven Indonesia and Vietnam during the rising tension. We argue that the complex systems encapsulated Indonesia - Vietnam relations post "Sink the Vessels" policy consist of symbol system, interest system, and role system that maintain their friendly bilateral relations, even in the turbulence ocean. This article exposes that Indonesia-Vietnam responds to tackle the problem stems primarily from the linkage between the three systems to escape the security dilemma.

Purpose: The article aims to analyze human security issues in the Citarum river basin, Indonesia, by taking the threat of flood in the Majalaya District as a case study. As the case has been increasing in recent years, wave the flood has become an inevitable source of fear for people living in the Citarum river basin in the rainy season. Environmental pollution due to massive industrialization, land function change, especially in the upstream area, and the absence of proper disaster mitigation from local government are problematized in this research. Methodology: Using the Human Security point of view, the article tries to show people's perspectives in defining security and overcoming threats, especially relating to flood in the Citarum river basin. As for the method, the research uses a qualitative approach with a study case as an analytical strategy. We interviewed some informants who live in Majalaya District and found secondary data from the government's and society's documents and analyze it by using the Human Security approach. Principal Findings: This article shows how the society's recognition and feeling on the environmental threat and organizes a limited community-based disaster mitigation system, which is called the 'JagaBalai' community, as an effort to build internal resilience and to overcome the risk and fear coming from the flood. Implications/Applications: The findings of this research contribute to the literature on Human Security concerns, especially those related to its elements of freedom of fear related to natural disasters or any other environmental issues. Novelty/Originality of this study: The current study fills the gap in the existing body of literature by analyzing the dynamics between an individual's perspective and the state as a source of security in the Majalaya District, Indonesia, by using Human Security approach. This approach can be useful to describe the degree of disaster victims' perceptions of fear and security and their relationship to government policies.

This research discusses the modalities in the victory of migrant Minangkabau candidates in the 2019 Legislative Election. Minangkabau is one of the ethnic groups in Indonesia synonymous with a matrilineal kinship system and an institutionalized tradition of migrating. Migrating is a valuable capital utilized by Minangkabau migrant Legislative Candidates to gain support for votes in electoral contests. The research was conducted on two Minangkabau migrant Legislative Candidates who took part in the contestation in the Legislative Elections for the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia. The research method is qualitative with a case study type. Data were collected through interviews with Minangkabau migrant candidates, voting communities, and people involved in winning candidates, such as traditional leaders and the Minangkabau community in the realm and overseas. The results of the research concluded that Fadli Zon (Gerindra Party Legislative Candidate, Electoral District of West Java V) and Jon Erizal (National Mandate Party Legislative Candidate, Electoral District of Riau I) as two of the Minangkabau migrants, the legislative candidates for the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia succeeded in utilizing existing social capital and successfully elected in the 2019 Legislative Election 2019 contestation overseas. Both are considered to have good leadership figures, able to carry out the mandate, and caring, humane, and responsible individuals. Joined in the same social entity, namely the network of Minangkabau migrants who gather through the Minangkabau migrant community, the Minangkabau Family Association. Fadli Zon became General Chairman of the Central Executive Board of the Minangkabau Family Association, and Jon Erizal served as Vice General Chairman of the Riau Minangkabau Family Association. Besides building intensive communication with the community in the election contestation.

The research premise is the idea that there was trend in political participation and voting behavior in Subang and Cirebon Regencies, The two biggest bases of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) in West Java Province. Their power are getting weaker, reflected by the number of their representatives in Representatives Local House. In this research, it is believed that there are three factors which influence those phenomena such as political parties role, figures and identification. The research highlights are the most influential factors on political participation which cause declining support for the party and strategies used by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) to maintain their constituents. Keywords: The Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), West Java, political parties, figures and constituent

The research premise is the idea that there was trend in political participation and voting behavior in Subang and Cirebon Regencies, The two biggest bases of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) in West Java Province. Their power are getting weaker, reflected by the number of their representatives in Representatives Local House. In this research, it is believed that there are three factors which influence those phenomena such as political parties role, figures and identification. The research highlights are the most influential factors on political participation which cause declining support for the party and strategies used by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) to maintain their constituents.