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This article is an attempt to develop a theoretical framework about how to study dissident ethnic movements' foreign policies. Is it possible to speak about foreign policies of ethnic dissident movements, especially when it is considered that they have no characteristics of modern sovereignty such as territory and recognition? For example, do the Berbers in Morocco, the Catalans in Spain, the Balochs in Iran, and the Kurds in Turkey have a foreign policy? If they do, how do we study their policies toward the outside world? Specifically, focusing on the case of the Kurds in Turkey, this article attempts to provide a theoretical framework for how to study dissident ethnic movements' foreign policy performances. By looking at the effect of the end of the Cold War on the Kurdish nationalists' imagination of the United States, this article interrogates how the change in their imagination played a role in the construction and reconstruction of the post-1980 Kurdish identity in Turkey. It also draws on the work of poststructural and postcolonial Ernesto Laclau, David Campell, and Edward W. Said in order to develop the theoretical framework.

AbstractThis study aims to show how dispositional characters of political leaders are affected by situational developments during the time‐in‐office. Although newly emerging literature of leadership traits demonstrate that significant events alter leaders' traits, they mainly focus on the measurement of shocking events on dispositional features, leaving the effect of achievements underexplored. The Iranian nuclear deal of 2015 is one of the most significant successes in the last decade of world politics. Gambling his political career on nuclear talks by promising the Iranian people to solve Iran's decades‐long isolation, President Hassan Rouhani played a momentous role in negotiating the deal. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was globally recognized as a success of Rouhani's leadership. Using the Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA), this article will show the role of Rouhani's personality in the realization of the historic nuclear deal and measure the effect of such a success on Rouhani's leadership traits.

Abstract
Why do some smaller states signal to move away from the US-led liberal order? We look at the ruling group survival in smaller allies to answer this pressing puzzle. Despite accepting the merit of systemic explanations, we simply argue that the ruling groups in smaller states engage with revisionist powers in the international system to sustain and enhance their privileged positions in the domestic policy setting. Hungary, a NATO member, and Pakistan, a traditional ally of the United States, have long been showing signs of shifting toward the China/Russia axis. We explain the behavior of Hungary and Pakistan during the 2010s by focusing on the survival strategies of key ruling groups in those countries. We simply argue that relations of competing great powers with the ruling group in smaller states determine the fate of asymmetric alliance.

Son on yılda, Türk siyaseti çalışanları en fazla meşgul eden soruların başında, "Türkiye?nin ekseni mi kayıyor?? sorusu gelmektedir. Bu soru birbirini tamamlayan ve yanlışlayan çok sayıda öğretici çalışmanın üretilmesine neden olmuştur. Fakat hala bu sorunun mevcut Türk dış politikasını anlamada doğru bir soru olup olmadığı konusunda ikna edildiğimizi söylemek zordur. Bu konuda çok sayıda çalışma yapılması, sorunun cevaplanması hususunda kendi içinde tutarlı argümanların bulunduğu anlamına gelmemektedir. Elinizdeki çalışma bu konudaki mevcut literatürü değerlendirerek, ilgili sorunun önemini ve sorunlarını tartışmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu tartışmanın ardından da daha sistematik ve belirli bir teorik çizgiye konumlanmış yeni çalışmaların çağrısını yapmaktadır. ; In the last decade, one of the most important questions Turkish scholars tried to answer is the question that "Is there a shift in Turkey?s axis"? This question led to the production of a large number of commendable studies that are either complementary or contradictory. But we are still not convinced that this question is the right question in understanding the current Turkish foreign policy. Moreover, we cannot say that we have made a remarkable progress in finding consistent concepts and arguments on how to answer this question. The present study discusses the current literature motivated by this question and tackles the importance and problems of answering it. After this discussion, the paper calls for a more systematic and theoretically driven studies to be written.

This study purposes to determine how adoptable and applicable teachers and school administrators in Turkey think the practice of selecting and training elementary school administrators is in England, France and Germany, as well as how adoptable and applicable "Elementary School Principal Selecting and Training Model" is, which is developed considering the conditions in Turkey. The sampling is composed of 356 school administrators and 382 teachers working in 121 public schools in provincial centers in Turkey. The data required for the research has been compiled through the scale "The Standards for Selecting, Appointing and Training Elementary School Principals" developed by the researchers. In the analysis of data, percentage, frequency, arithmetical mean and standard deviation have been used for descriptive statistics, and t-test has been used for unrelated sampling as interpretative statistics technique. It is concluded in the research that the model is found to be adoptable by elementary school administrators and teachers in Turkey, and it is thought to be applicable although its level of adoptability is lower than that of the model used in the Turkish education system. The level of adoptability in all sub-dimensions of the model is higher than the level of applicability.