Suchergebnisse

According to the spiral of silence theory, individuals holding views they perceive as being in the minority or losing ground fear social isolation, & so are less likely to express their views in public. Examined in this light was whether respondents who are liberals, Democrats, or not supporting the leading presidential candidate during the campaign season in a politically conservative region (Orange County, Calif) were less willing than Republicans, conservatives, & those supporting the front-runner to be interviewed & have their names & views published in a prominent local newspaper. Three random-sample telephone surveys (total N = 1,815) were conducted for the Los Angeles Times (Orange County Edition) at different times during the 1988 presidential election. Each survey concluded with a question asking respondents whether they would be willing to speak to a reporter & have their names & views appear in a newspaper article on the findings. The findings show that: (1) those holding minority political positions were no less likely than those in the majority to consent to reinterview; & (2) those with minority views did not become increasingly resistant to reinterview over time. Results point out the utility of the newspaper reinterview question in studies on speaking out in public. 1 Table, 7 References. AA

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1981

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1979

Introduction / Mark Baldassare -- A riot of color : the demographic setting / Peter A. Morrison and Ira S. Lowry -- Los Angeles coalition politics / Raphael J. Sonenshein -- The Rodney King beating verdicts / Hiroshi Fukurai, Richard Krooth, and Edgar W. Butler -- Public opinion before and after a spring of discontent / Lawrence Bobo ... [et al.] -- A profile of those arrested / Joan Petersilia and Allan Abrahamse -- Property damage and violence : a collective behavior analysis / Kathleen J. Tierney -- Black-Korean conflict / Regina Freer -- Community coalition-building / James A. Regalado -- Urban rioting in Los Angeles : a comparison of 1965 with 1992 / David O. Sears

The article examines the role of public opinion during the California governor's recall in 2003 compared to partisanship and ideology. In the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) Statewide Surveys, most Californians reported that their state was headed in the wrong direction, whereas relatively few said that they trusted state government, and most said that they disapproved of the way the governor was handling his job. Californians reported that they liked the recall process in concept, and about one half said that they were pleased with its current use and satisfied with the replacement candidates. The author finds that public support for the recall was consistent over time and related to negative political attitudes and positive recall attitudes when controlling for other factors. The implications for the future use and success of recalls and on what political science has to say about the role of populism and partisanship in the direct democracy movement are discussed.

Examines the trend toward mobilization to enact local growth controls among US suburban residents & factors that motivate residents to support such controls, based on data from the Orange County (CA) Annual Survey, 1982-1992, which involved in-depth telephone interviews with 1,000 randomly selected residents of an area fitting the New Political Culture (NPC) profile of a youthful, affluent, well-educated community. It was hypothesized that (1) there would be significant public support of local growth controls that would increase in good economic times; (2) the antigrowth coalition is an issue-oriented citizen movement, not predicted by party orientation; & (3) youth, higher income, & higher education would predict public support for growth controls. All were confirmed except for the association between local growth control support & youth, higher income, & higher education. The results imply that the NPC has a significant impact on mobilization for growth controls. Other implications are discussed. 5 Tables. J. Lindroth

In a recent Urban Affairs Quarterly article, Gerston and Haas (1993, 154) hypothesized that support for regional governance in the suburbs is growing in the 1990s as a result of "perceived growth of urban problems." They offered proof from a survey of likely voters in Santa Clara County. However, three unique attributes of the San Francisco Bay Area may explain the support. Recent surveys indicate that strong support for regional governance extends to the nine-county Bay Area region. Resident surveys in Orange County and a recent Sacramento County election raise questions about growing support for regional governance. A survey of city planning directors in California indicates strong regional variations.