Suchergebnisse

With contributions from a number of prominent intelligence, security, and legal experts such as Michael Mori, Ben Saul, Anne Aly, and Peter Leahy, this examination lays bare the facts about spying and security in post-9/11 Australia. Compelling chapters cut through the panic and fear-mongering to ask hard questions such as Is the Australian Security Intelligence Organization unaccountable? Is the money spent on security reaping dividends? Is cyber-terrorism an urgent threat? Is WikiLeaks good for human rights? and Is privacy being traded for a false sense of security? Spooked untangles the half-truths, conspiracy theories, and controversies about the "war on terror" and proves a welcome antidote to misinformation and alarm.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Contributors -- Introduction -- Part I Intelligence in Australia -- 1 The state of Intelligence Studies: Australia in international context -- 2 A history of the Australian intelligence community -- 3 Military intelligence: Expectations and challenges -- Part II The intelligence cycle -- 4 Optimising open-source intelligence in the information age -- 5 Intelligence dissemination -- 6 FINNIT and the case for structural and legislative reform: A priority for the twenty-first century -- Part III Australia's intelligence relationships -- 7 Secret friends: Intelligence cooperation and counterterrorism -- 8 Intelligence leadership and capability development: A crucial partnership -- 9 Managing reputational risk in national intelligence: Comparative lessons from Australia, Canada and New Zealand -- Part IV Current trends, future challenges -- 10 Conceptualising proportionality and its relation to metadata -- 11 Cyber warfare: Opportunities and threats -- 12 Cyber security -- Index.

In the backdrop of a protracted global "war on terror" campaign, there has been a significant increase in the frequency and scope of informal intelligence‐sharing agreements by democratic states with non‐traditional partner regimes known to routinely employ torture. It will be argued that an international "norm vacuum" currently exists surrounding policies and practices in efforts to uphold the torture prohibition in these types of contemporary security relationships. This article will focus on the 2015 Australia‐Iran intelligence relationship as an illustrative case‐study to identify the problems, opportunities and risks related to such sharing arrangements and agreements. It will be argued that, at present, Australia appears indifferent to the risk of being passively complicit in torture. However, in applying an analytical framework of norm entrepreneurship, this article examines the role that countries like Australia could play in crafting normative standards and supporting appropriate behaviour about how global intelligence co‐operation should be considered through reinforcing accountability standards and the torture prohibition world‐wide.

In the backdrop of a protracted global "war on terror" campaign, there has been a significant increase in the frequency and scope of informal intelligence‐sharing agreements by democratic states with non‐traditional partner regimes known to routinely employ torture. It will be argued that an international "norm vacuum" currently exists surrounding policies and practices in efforts to uphold the torture prohibition in these types of contemporary security relationships. This article will focus on the 2015 Australia‐Iran intelligence relationship as an illustrative case‐study to identify the problems, opportunities and risks related to such sharing arrangements and agreements. It will be argued that, at present, Australia appears indifferent to the risk of being passively complicit in torture. However, in applying an analytical framework of norm entrepreneurship, this article examines the role that countries like Australia could play in crafting normative standards and supporting appropriate behaviour about how global intelligence co‐operation should be considered through reinforcing accountability standards and the torture prohibition world‐wide.

The Indian Ocean is a region of increasing importance, with booming economic opportunities, shifting power dynamics and rising geopolitical competition. To manage this transition some Australian policy-makers are advocating the practice of defence diplomacy as a mechanism to help mould cooperative practices and to build regional trust while dissipating potential or ongoing regional flashpoints. Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper identified Australia as an agent who can play a critical part in the emergence of certain types of norms as a means of conflict prevention and crisis management in the Indo-Pacific region. This paper explores the use of defence diplomacy as a means for seeking regional influence. It uses an innovative new framework of norm entrepreneurship to examine the choices facing Australian policy-makers in increasingly complex security environment. This paper argues that while Australia should aim to promote defence diplomacy as a central part of rising security dialogue and practice with 'like-mined' countries, there must also be careful reflection to ensure that this objective is a constructive use of a middle power's limited resources and influence.

The Indian Ocean is a region of increasing importance, with booming economic opportunities, shifting power dynamics and rising geopolitical competition. To manage this transition some Australian policy-makers are advocating the practice of defence diplomacy as a mechanism to help mould cooperative practices and to build regional trust while dissipating potential or ongoing regional flashpoints. Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper identified Australia as an agent who can play a critical part in the emergence of certain types of norms as a means of conflict prevention and crisis management in the Indo-Pacific region. This paper explores the use of defence diplomacy as a means for seeking regional influence. It uses an innovative new framework of norm entrepreneurship to examine the choices facing Australian policy-makers in increasingly complex security environment. This paper argues that while Australia should aim to promote defence diplomacy as a central part of rising security dialogue and practice with 'like-mined' countries, there must also be careful reflection to ensure that this objective is a constructive use of a middle power's limited resources and influence.