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First published in 1999, this volume is based on interviews and research from previously unavailable party, state and private archives, this insightful volume reflects on the interaction between institutional structure and world-view that we call political culture. Using Labour's post-war welfare policy, this informative study makes three key points: The need to break down distinctions between the symbolic' and the substantial' in politics. The potential of Grid-Group' or Cultural' Theory as a way of understanding party political culture. The crucial but self-defeating role that welfare policy has played in Labour's efforts to manage itself, win support and govern competently. The well-documented research leads to the conclusion that New Labour's much-heralded desire to think the unthinkable' about welfare is largely rhetorical if one recalls what Labour did in office rather than promised in opposition. The Government's welfare reforms, rather than constituting a serious attempt to confront new social realities, are in fact par for the course. Political scientists cannot ignore the new government's past. Political historians need to appreciate the patterns woven in a welter of detail and social democratic defensiveness. By fusing a realist conception of statecraft, an interpretavist' interest in symbols and a predictive comparative model of the interaction between ideology and organisation, this authoritative work will enable readers to do just that.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrative Material -- Introduction -- Why European politics? -- Why this book? -- Keeping it real - and up to date -- Where is it going? -- Getting started -- Guide to Text Features -- 1 Europe - a continent in the making -- People into empires -- Empires into nations -- Nations into states -- States into blocs -- The new Europe -- Europe's economy - rich in variation -- Regions -- 'Postindustrialism'? -- Transition -- Globalization and/or Europeanization? -- National and patterned variation -- Whatever happened to 'the classless society'? -- Women - working but not yet winning? -- In theory if not in practice - religion in Europe -- Composition and identity: multi-ethnic, multinational - and European? -- Learning resources -- Discussion questions -- 2 The end of the nation state? -- Stateless nations -- Belgium - federal solution or slippery slope? -- 'Asymmetrical' federalism - Spain -- The UK - another hybrid -- France - no longer quite so indivisible -- The EU and the end of sovereignty? -- Origins, enlargement and institutions -- Integration via economics and law -- Tidying-up exercise or step towards a super-state? The Lisbon Treaty -- The end of the nation state? -- Learning resources -- Discussion questions -- 3 From government to governance - running the state, making policy and policing the constitution -- Passing power downwards - decentralization -- 'More control over less' - central government reform -- Policymaking - sectors and styles -- The booming third branch of government - the judicialization of politics -- Learning resources -- Discussion questions -- 4 Governments and parliaments - a long way from equality -- The head of state -- Prime minister, cabinet and parliamentary government -- Permutations of parliamentary government in multiparty systems -- Minimal (connected) winning coalitions.

In May 2010, Labour suffered one of its worst ever election defeats. A few months later it chose Ed Miliband as its new leader. His task? To win back power after just one term in opposition - a tall order given how many voters had come to blame Labour for the economic mess the country was in, and to see the party as a soft-touch when it came to immigration and welfare. Even those who were more sympathetic had their doubts. Was Ed Miliband really leadership material? Would he be able to overcome defeating his elder brother to get to the top? Would he have to do as he was told by the trade union

This volume brings together experts on both migration and political parties - fields that have not always interacted as much as they could or should have done - in order to study the impacts, dilemmas and trade-offs involved in establishing an immigration policy

""Cover""; ""Contents""; ""Acknowledgements""; ""Abbreviations""; ""1. Introduction""; ""2. Disaster and Deliverance: 1945�1951""; ""3. Anxiety, Appeasement, Affluence�and After: 1951�1964""; ""4. Amateur to Professional: 1964�1970""; ""5. Betrayal: 1970�1974""; ""6. Confrontation and Consensus: 1974�1979""; ""7. Messiah to Meltdown: 1979�1997""; ""8. Conclusion""; ""Notes""; ""Index""; ""A""; ""B""; ""C""; ""D""; ""E""; ""F""; ""G""; ""H""; ""I""; ""J""; ""K""; ""L""; ""M""; ""N""; ""O""; ""P""; ""R""; ""S""; ""T""; ""U""; ""V""; ""W""; ""Y""; ""Z""

AbstractWhen Andrew Gamble's Between Europe and America was published in 2003, the Conservative Party was in deep trouble—a victim, he claimed, of its own success under Margaret Thatcher in destroying 'the post‐war compromise' that had kept the United Kingdom together, allowed it to participate, albeit reluctantly, in European integration, and helped it cope with imperial and economic decline. Yet, getting on for two decades later, the party appears to have regained the hegemony that then looked lost. Moreover, by leading the country out of the EU, the Tories seem finally to have made the choice between the two relationships and the two models of political economy that, according to Gamble, they had long attempted, however uneasily, to reconcile. When we look more closely, however, at trade, at foreign and defence policy, and at the Johnson government's economic policies, it looks as if the Conservatives—for all that the majority of their MPs can be classified as Brexiteers, as Atlanticists, as neoliberals, and therefore as Thatcherites—continue to hope (not necessarily irrationally) that they can have their cake and eat it too.