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The central thesis of this paper is that Canadian-Ukrainian relations have fostered certain peculiarities due to the fact that in Canada (the Land of Maple Leaf), a hefty percentage of citizens are of the Ukrainian origin. Social mobility of the Canadian Ukrainians is traditionally forcing top-level authorities to have their focus resolve around the Ukrainians' needs and expectations. Noteworthy, since the World War II, Canada has been a pivotal role in constant efforts to strengthen Ukraine's democracy. While ardently supporting Ukraine's will for gaining its independence, after dissolution of the Soviet Union, Canada's government acted in compliance with the international law. Particularly, the Soviet Union's collapse put Ukraine on the map of the international political landscape and made it known to become independent from the Russian Federation. It should be articulated, Poland was first country to recognize the independence of Ukraine on December 2, 1991. Canada was the second world state to have acknowledged Ukraine to be a sovereign state. In the 30-year-long-run Ukraine gained worldwide recognition. Undoubtedly, Ukraine- Canada relationship has laid its crucial fundamentals for the global acknowledgment. The author of the article estimates that both countries have signed more than 50 documents, which are handling their relationship. According to the author, sovereign Ukraine is an especially important factor for European security, which is facilitated by the present-day Canada-Ukraine relations. The author of the article emphasizes on Canada-Ukraine relations to be recognized as a unique and genuine partnership. To be more precise, the scholar discloses the significant value of the Joint Declaration on Special Partnership signed in 1994, which was extended twice - in 2001 and 2008. Remarkably, the paper analyzes Canadian-Ukrainian relations from the beginning till 2018. It highlights two stages f the relations establishment - before 2014 and after the Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Furthermore, the author stresses on his personal contribution in the scientific research on Canada's policy in terms of Russia's aggression against Ukraine over the years. Provisions of the article are proved by the relevant Canadian-Ukrainian documents. In addition to the mentioned Declaration, there is an Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between Ukraine and Canada, dated 1994. Document reaffirmed both sides' commitment to the democratic values and the principles of market economy. It also defined development in the political, security, economic, social and cultural areas of Ukraine-Canada relations. Since the article is devoted to bilateral relations between the two countries in extremely difficult time for Ukraine, related to Russian aggression, article says a lot about the aggression itself, about the support for Ukraine to overcome it, about the reaction of the world society. To confirm it, author involved a bilateral document Defence Cooperation Arrangement, dated April 3, 2017. The body of the article goes on to emphasize Canada's bolstering democratic and market reforms in Ukraine. However, the author draws attention that the current trade and mutual investments capacity leaves much to be desired. Nevertheless, the Canada government and the pro-Ukrainian Canadians provided significant support to Ukraine during the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. Authorities in Ottawa denounced Russia's aggression against Ukraine by joining the sanctions imposing policy of the Western countries. Ottawa has clearly spoken out against Russia's annexation of Crimea and destabilization in Donbas and supported sale of the lethal weapons to Ukraine. First of all, Canada supports Ukraine through diplomatic policy, as well as in Ukraine's efforts in implementing economic reforms and strengthening the state security system.

Studium przypadku określanego mianem incydentu w Cieśninie Kerczeńskiej z uwzględnieniem uwarunkowań związanych z rosyjską agresją, aneksją i okupacją Krymu (2014) oraz agresywne działania podjęte przez Rosję wobec okrętów ukraińskiej marynarki wojennej jesienią 2018 r. podlegają jednoznacznej ocenie jako akt agresji. Powyższe wydarzenia należy rozpatrywać także w kontekście kontynuowania przez Federację Rosyjską niewypowiedzianej wojny wobec Ukrainy oraz dążenia do przejęcia całkowitej kontroli nad Morzem Azowskim i ograniczenia żeglugi floty handlowej Ukrainy i państw trzecich w kierunku portów ukraińskich. Działania Federacji Rosyjskiej mieszczą się w ramach paradygmatu polityki imperialnej, stanowią ewidentne pogwałcenie norm prawa międzynarodowego oraz suwerenności i integralności terytorialnej państwa ukraińskiego.

The paradigm of the political identity of Central and Eastern Europe was being formed on the sidelines of the paradigm of modernization of the region's states, getting beyond control of the East (authoritarianism) and heading towards Western democracies. In the process of democratization of the countries of the region, the transformation paradigm developed by Western political scientists had to be adapted to the Eastern European reality. The countries of the region underwent a complex process of systemic changes in the political and economic dimension, and some also in the state-building and nation-building dimensions. Three decades of transformation point to a significant group of countries in which democratization has been successful or is heading in the right direction. The second group of states balances between hybrid regimes and non-consolidated democracy, while the third group of countries has failed the experiment of democratization.

The "Revolution of Dignity" has led to the pre-term presidential and parliamentary elections. The article analyzes parliamentary election process and coalition policy of parliamentarian groups. As a result of the campaign, a bipolar model of competition has been shaped (Maidan – Anti-Maidan), while each of them has radical and moderate divisions. Analysis of election programs has shown that in most cases there are national security issues in the first place, including resistance to Russian aggression and conflict resolution. The most important demands included the issue of decentralization, fight against corruption, tax and justice reforms. As a result of the elections, a broad coalition "European Ukraine" has been set with the participation of five political parties related to Maidan. ; Rewolucja Godności doprowadziła do przedterminowych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. W niniejszym artykule analizie poddano proces elekcji parlamentarnej oraz polityki koalicyjnej ugrupowań parlamentarnych. W wyniku kampanii ukształtował się dwubiegunowy model rywalizacji (Majdan – anty-Majdan), natomiast w obydwu nurtach zarysował się wyraźny podział na ugrupowania radykalne i umiarkowane. Analiza programów wyborczych wykazała, że w większości wypadków na pierwszym miejscu znalazły się kwestie bezpieczeństwa państwa, w tym przeciwstawienie się rosyjskiej agresji i rozwiązanie konfliktu. Do najważniejszych postulatów należały także kwestie decentralizacji, walki z korupcją, reformy systemu podatkowego i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W wyniku wyborów powstała szeroka koalicja "Europejska Ukraina" z udziałem pięciu partii politycznych związanych z Majdanem.

The analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian relations case study shows two different models of determining contemporary historical memory. The first (Russian) consists of continuing the imperial traditions in historiography and politics of memory, focused on maintaining the superpower myths of the tsarist and Soviet empires. The second (Ukrainian) points to an attempt by researchers and the political class to escape from the influence of Russian historiography as well as to shape their own national historical narrative and policy of memory, connected with in the European tradition. Geopolitical and historical determinism are the basis of Vladimir Putin's imperial policy, trying to imitate the founders of the tsarist (Peter I) and Soviet (Stalin) empires. The conflict of the Russian imperial historical memory with the Ukrainian one was a significant reason for the aggression of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine. The Russian Federation has chosen an aggressive model of memory policy, treating history as a tool of influence against the so-called near and far abroad.

The article analyses the influence of the religious factor on the internal processes of nation-state consolidation in Ukraine and on the causes and consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The division of the Ukrainian Orthodoxy into three branches (UAOC, UOC-KP and UOC-MP) did not allow the Church to become a consolidating factor in the formation of a nation-state in independent Ukraine and a generator of social transformation. The situation may change for the better after the creation of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine in 2018.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the humanitarian components of the latest Russian-Ukrainian war, which is qualified by its authors as a hybrid war. In principle, it is about the ideological basis, historical and religious mythology, and the information support of Russia's revanchist policy in Ukraine, which the current Russian regime uses in its armed aggression against Ukraine. The authors convincingly and argumentatively prove that non-military instruments in Russia's war against Ukraine are subordinated to a single goal – the restoration of the Russian empire and its international political influence. In order to achieve this goal, the Putin regime uses all the means available to it, including the spread of pseudo-historical myths and fakes that justify the expansionist policy of the Kremlin in Ukraine and in the countries of the post-Soviet space. Using a widely sourced base, the authors of the article refute the most common Russian pseudo-historical narratives.